To be is to be contingent: nothing of which it can be said that "it is" can be alone and independent. But being is a member of paticca-samuppada as arising which contains ignorance. Being is only invertible by ignorance.

Destruction of ignorance destroys the illusion of being. When ignorance is no more, than consciousness no longer can attribute being (pahoti) at all. But that is not all for when consciousness is predicated of one who has no ignorance than it is no more indicatable (as it was indicated in M Sutta 22)

Nanamoli Thera

Friday, May 22, 2026

The Thought and Art of Joseph Joubert (1754-1824)



Foreword

The enigma of Joseph Joubert was not made any the less impenetrable by the pretence that it did not exist. A secretive author, Joubert was addicted to the pleasures of reading and writing compulsively all his life, whatever his public activities happened to be at any given time.

Initially a teacher, then secretary to Diderot, he became an adminis- trator and Justice of the Peace during the difficult years of the Revolution, an inspector of the Université Impériale, and a welcome guest in the literary salons of the period. Pauline de Beaumont, Chateaubriand, Fontanes, Bonald, Chénedollé were among his friends.

By the time of his death in 1824 his probing, speculative intelligence had accumulated a great wealth of ideas. Unable to choose among the infinity of doubts, solutions, and further problems it constantly discovered, his mind became hopelessly entangled in the web of analogies linking the arts, the sciences, and language to imagination and creativity. Except for letters, Joubert could never finish a text to his satisfaction. He became a prisoner of the written word.
In 1824, that was difficult to understand. The mass of jottings, notes, and manuscripts that Joubert had consigned to the now famous trunk concealed his true self, but rendered him vulnerable to interpretation.

So when Chateaubriand and Duchesne perceived that certain fragments of his work fitted into a recognizable genre, or could be made to do so, Joubert was presented as an author of Pensées, as a moralist. The solution was retained, and more evidence to substantiate it was produced, four years later, in 1842, by Raynal in his collection of the Pensées, essais et maximes, which became the standard edition until 1938, when Beaunier published the major part of the Carnets in two substantial volumes.

After Chateaubriand, Raynal and Sainte-Beuve rediscovered, almost invented, Joubert, Matthew Arnold introduced him to the Anglo-Saxon world of criticism, translations of selected ‘thoughts’ appeared, and his reputation grew on both sides of the Atlantic. At the same time his personality was transformed. It is true that, with the years, the urbane, sociable, professional, and family man was assailed by the weaknesses of age, but the critics imagined Joubert as an eccentric recluse, with peculiar notions about diet and sleeping attire and prone to destroy the books he in reality cherished. His name became associated with Platonism, Romanticism, Spirituality, and many other concepts. As David Kinloch points out, the ‘recluse’ has even been compared to Marcel Proust. Admittedly, the critical assessments of Joubert’s aims and contribution to aesthetics were not always completely void, but they were of necessity founded on insufficient evidence, and often on hearsay.

As the Carnets published by Beaunier reveal, the working methods of Joubert were determined by his habit of writing down comments on the authors he was reading and dissecting their ideas. This discipline, and its results, constitute the starting-point chosen by David Kinloch.
He has correlated the notes, usually made on slips of paper, with the marginalia Joubert penned in his books and with the draft texts that were either abandoned, or patiently reworked. This painstaking recon- struction of an accurate chronological framework has enabled David Kinloch to reveal the astonishing variety of Joubert’s interests, his constant reappraisal of the philosophical and artistic principles debated in the polemics of the day, and his alert response to new ideas in the sciences and even in political theory. For the first time Joubert appears as an important witness to the changes that took place in the transition from Enlightenment to a spiritual revival in violent reaction to materialism.
Independent, individualistic, a convinced humanist, willing, even, to take his master Plato to task, Joubert rendered the interrogation of his century, of antiquity, of the forms of matter, of the cosmos, subservient to his obsession with the origins of art, of thought, of language. He was a poet whose intensely concentrated meditation upon the universal dynamics and resonances of his art reduced him to immobility, to silence, and to destruction. Yet, this slow negation generated its own poetry. The fascination of this paradox has been sympathetically and brilliantly conveyed by David Kinloch. His study lifts Joubert from the ranks of the more obscure writers and leads the reader to appreciate the unique vision of Beauty and Unity that inspired him to write:
je joue de la lyre antique, de la lyre a trois ou a cing cordes, de la lyre d’Orphee ...

London
Brian Juden

Meaning and Myth

 MEANING AND MYTH

[1]

In his contrast between radical and poetical metaphor, Max Müller distinguished those ‘figurative’ expressions with which early languages abound from the similitudes deliberately invented by modern poets. This was an important step. Nevertheless, when we come to examine his definition of ‘radical’ metaphor and to inspect his examples, we can scarcely help being afflicted with grave misgivings. For we find that that definition is based on the old philologist’s hypothesis of ‘roots of speech’—the theory that every language started with a group of monosyllabic sounds, each of which expressed a simple, general notion. These general notions, it is supposed, were then applied to particular phenomena, among which they were subdivided by the addition of other words; and these latter words finally became the prefixes, suffixes, inflexions, etc., familiar to all students of the Aryan group of languages. Thus, to the root hab were added various little words implying the notion of particular number and person; but in course of time these coalesced, and the result was an inflected form such as the Latin habuerunt. Finally, by a process commonly alluded to as ‘decay’, these inflexions were lost and language returned once more to the use of separate words, as in the English they have had.

Now, from the grammatical point of view, it is hardly too much to say that this theory has been hopelessly discredited. Professor Jespersen, for example, in his Progress in Language, has put an overwhelmingly strong case for the opposite view, according to which the flexional (hab-u-erunt) form of language is the earlier, while the isolating or root (they have had) languages (of which Chinese is commonly taken as the most striking example) represent final—not first—stages of a long speech-evolution where-in English is already far advanced. ‘The evolution of language’—so Professor Jespersen sums it up—‘shows a progressive tendency from inseparable irregular conglomerations to freely and regularly combinable short elements.’

Again, if we approach the theory of roots from the semantic point of view, we shall find that here also it falls heavily to the ground. For it owes exactly the same defect as does that theory of metaphor and of a ‘metaphorical period’ which was elaborated in the last chapter. Moreover, the defect arises from the same cause, namely, that instead of starting from the present and working steadily backwards, the theorist insists on starting, as it were, from both ends at once. He has his idea, or prejudice, concerning the nature of primitive minds—an idea derived from sources quite outside his own study—and somehow or other he is determined to make his history of language coincide with that.

Consequently, just as, in considering metaphor, the fact the he found language growing more and more figurative with every step into the past, did not prevent him from postulating an earliest period in which there were no ‘figures’ at all; so, the fact that he finds words growing longer and longer and meanings more and more individualized with every step into the past does not prevent him from depicting speech as beginning from monosyllables with general meanings (‘roots’). Here it is necessary to point out that a meaning may be ‘perceptual’ (that is to say, the word’s whole reference may be to some sensible object or process) and at the same time ‘general’ or ‘abstract’. Anatole France’s antithesis is, in fact, erroneous. It is just those meanings which attempt to be most exclusively material (‘sensuel’), which are also the most generalized and abstract—i.e. remote from reality. Let us take the simple English word cut. Its reference is perfectly material; yet its meaning is at the same time more general and less particular, more abstract and less concrete, than some single word which should comprise in itself—let us say—all that we have to express to-day by the sentence: ‘I cut this flesh with joy in order to sacrifice’. If it is impossible to cut a pound of flesh without spilling blood, it is even more impossible ‘to cut’.1Now it is an indisputable fact that, the further we look back into the history of the meanings of common words, the more closely we find them approximating to this latter, concrete type. Thus, even as recently as the date of the composition of the Fourth Gospel (John, ch. 3, v and viii) we can hear in the Greek πνεῦμα an echo of just such an old, concrete, undivided meaning. This meaning (and therefore, in this case, practically the whole sense of the passage) is lost in the inevitably double English rendering of spirit (v) and wind (viii). There are any number of other examples. Here I shall be content to point to our seemingly arbitrary, and now purely verbal allotment of emotion to divers parts of the body, such as the liver, the bowels, the heart, where, in our own day, an old single meaning survives as two separate references of the same word—a physical and a psychic.1

According to Max Müller, it will be remembered, ‘spiritus’—which is of course the Latin equivalent of πνεῦμα, acquired its apparently double meaning, because, at a certain early age, when it still meant simply breath or wind, it was deliberately employed as a metaphor to express ‘the principle of life within man or animal’. All that can be replied to this is, that such an hypothesis is contrary to every indication presented by the study of the history of meaning; which assures us definitely that such a purely material content as ‘wind’, on the one hand, and on the other, such a purely abstract content as ‘the principle of life within man or animal’ are both late arrivals in human consciousness. Their abstractness and their simplicity are alike evidence of long ages of intellectual evolution. So far from the psychic meaning of‘spiritus’ having arisen because someone had the abstract idea, ‘principle of life …’ and wanted a word for it, the abstract idea ‘principle of life’ is itself a product of the old concrete meaning ‘spiritus’, which contained within itself the germs of both later significations. We must, therefore, imagine a time when ‘spiritus’ or πνεῦμα, or older words from which these had descended, meant neither breath, nor wind, nor spirit, nor yet all three of these things, but when they simply had their own old peculiar meaning, which has since, in the course of the evolution of consciousness, crystallized into the three meanings specified—and no doubt into others also, for which separate words had already been found by Greek and Roman times.

To sum up, if we assume, as it seems only reasonable to assume, that in the ages of speech preceding anything that can be touched by modern etymology the main stream of language, whose course is afterwards to become plainly visible to us, was already flowing in the same direction (i.e. from homogeneity towards dissociation and multiplicity) and not in an opposite one, what is the result? Both ‘root’ hypothesis and ‘metaphor’ hypothesis fall to the ground together. Müller’s so-called radical metaphor, instead of being primitive, is seen to be one of the latest achievements of conscious linguistic development. A better name for it would be synthetic metaphor; and a better example, say, gramophone. ‘Roots’, far from being the germs of speech, are the product of ages of intellectual abstraction carried on, first, instinctively by ordinary speakers, and afterwards deliberately by the grammarians and philologists. The service rendered by these latter both to speech and to thought is of the utmost importance; their error merely lay in supposing that life actually created language after the manner in which their logic reconstructed it. They mistook elements for seeds—and called them roots.

[2]

Used with due caution, the mental progress of the individual from infancy to maturity is likely to provide some evidence of the mental history of the race; for the peculiar relation between phylogenesis and ontogenesis, which is summed up in the word ‘recapitulation’, quite evidently applies, within broad limits, to mind as well as body. Consequently, a consideration of the development of ‘meaning’ in the life-history of the individual would be pertinent to the matter in hand. There is clearly no room here to go into such a question in detail, but one may refer to the American psychologist, J. Μ. Baldwin,1 who has pointed out how the adult observer constantly misreads his own logical processes into the child’s mind. He shows how a child’s apparent ‘generalizations’ are in reality single meanings, which it has not yet learnt to split up into two or more.2 ‘All psychic dualisms and distinctions’, he points out, ‘are meanings in the sense that they are differentiations from earlier and more simple [sic] apprehensions.’Finally, while it is a tiresome and stupid error to suppose that the childhood of races whose blood was afterwards to blossom into a Plato or a Shakespeare can be safely deduced from the present condition of peoples inhabiting Tasmania or the islands of the Pacific, nevertheless there are cases in which the one may conveniently be illustrated by the other. It is interesting, therefore, to find anthropologists telling us of the ‘holophrase’, or long, rambling conglomeration of sound and meaning, which" is found among primitive and otherwise almost wordless peoples. Moreover, we hear again and again of primitive languages in which there are words for ‘gum-tree’, ‘wattle-tree’, etc., but none for ‘tree’; and R. R. Marett, in his little book, Anthropology, remarks that in some crude tongues, although you can express twenty different kinds of cutting, you cannot say ‘cut’. One could take many other examples from the chapter on Language in this book, to illustrate the distinction drawn above between concrete meanings and abstract meanings, a distinction which I have endeavoured to discuss a little more fully in an Appendix (IV).

[3]

We are now in a position to survey once more the apparent contradiction remarked above (III, 4–5) between aesthetic and philological judgements. On the one hand, the poet and the critic find language growing more and more poetic as they trace it back into the past. On the other, the Locke-Müller-France way of thinking sees the beginnings of language in a series of monosyllabic ‘roots’ with simple, perceptual references. What is the solution of this paradox? Hitherto, as far as I am aware, the only one worthy of the name has been that which is fairly common as vague idea, but which is found explicitly in Max Müller—that of the ‘metaphorical period’, a wonderful age when a race of anonymous and mighty poets took hold of a bald inventory and saturated it with poetic values. It is important to recollect that, as we saw in III, 4, these values are not merely poetic in the sense of causing pleasure, but also in the true, creative sense, as causing wisdom.

Recognition of this last fact should keep us from a certain tangle of loose thinking into which many evidently slip, to whom the existence of poetry is not an actual fact of phenomenal experience, nor its presence one of their measures of reality. For it is not infrequently suggested that the mere fact of direct connection with sensuous experience is enough to render language poetical. Thus, we find Macaulay1 asserting that half-civilized nations are poetic simply because they perceive without abstracting, and absolutely regardless of what they perceive. And a similar view2 is taken by Jespersen, who is otherwise content to dismiss the whole question of poetic values with the somewhat superficial reflection that after all ‘we cannot all be poets’.3 Maybe; but that very circumstance might surely have prompted him to investigate a little more closely the consequences of his own conclusion that once upon a time we all were poets!

Of these two theories, I have endeavoured to show my reasons for regarding the first as absurd and untenable. The second is, of course, not a solution at all. It merely shifts the locus of the problem; for we are still left asking why this direct perception should in itself have value as cause of wisdom. Indeed, the superficiality of such a view is so palpable that we can only suppose it to be the outcome of a consciousness to which the expression ‘poetry as cause of wisdom’ corresponds with no concrete experience, but is rather a contradiction in terms. There is, however, a third solution, and I suggest that it is one to which we are necessarily led by all that has gone before. It is this: that these poetic, and apparently ‘metaphorical’ values were latent in meaning from the beginning. In other words, you may imply, if you choose, with Dr. Blair, that the earliest words in use were ‘the names of sensible, material objects’ and nothing more—only, in that case, you must suppose the ‘sensible objects’ themselves to have been something more; you must suppose that they were not, as they appear to be at present, isolated, or detached, from thinking and feeling.1 Afterwards, in the development of language and thought, these single meanings split up into contrasted pairs—the abstract and the concrete, particular and general, objective and subjective. And the poesy felt by us to reside in ancient language consists just in this, that, out of our later, analytic, ‘subjective’ consciousness, a consciousness which has been brought about along with, and partly because of, this splitting up of meaning, we are led back to experience the original unity.

Thus, the sunstruck or ‘meaningless’ man, into whose consciousness we endeavoured to enter in II, 5, is in no sense whatever (as Anatole France, for instance, assumed) an analagon of primitive man. To make him that, we should have to conceive of him—so far from being meaningless—as literally resounding with all manner of meaning, and moreover, with meaning such that, if he could but communicate it to us, we should be listening to poetry.

Then what is a true metaphor? In the same essay of Shelley’s, from which I have already quoted, he cites a fine passage from Bacon’s Advancement of Learning:‘Neither are these only similitudes, as men of narrow observation may conceive them to be, but the same footsteps of nature, treading or printing upon several subjects or matters.’1

This is the answer. It is these ‘footsteps of nature’ whose noise we hear alike in primitive language and in the finest metaphors of poets. Men do not invent those mysterious relations between separate external objects, and between objects and feelings or ideas, which it is the function of poetry to reveal. These relations exist independently, not indeed of Thought, but of any individual thinker. And according to whether the footsteps are echoed in primitive language or, later on, in the made metaphors of poets, we hear them after a different fashion and for different reasons. The language of primitive men reports them as direct perceptual experience. The speaker has observed a unity, and is not therefore himself conscious of relation. But we, in the development of consciousness, have lost the power to see this one as one. Our sophistication, like Odin’s, has cost us an eye; and now it is the language of poets, in so far as they create true metaphors, which must restore this unity conceptually, after it has been lost from perception. Thus, the ‘before-unapprehended’ relationships of which Shelley spoke, are in a sense ‘forgotten’ relationships. For though they were never yet apprehended, they were at one time seen. And imagination can see them again.

In the whole development of consciousness, therefore, we can trace the operation of two opposing principles, or forces. Firstly, there is the force by which, as we saw, single meanings tend to split up into a number of separate and often isolated concepts. This is the τόλογίζειν1 of Shelley’s Essay. We can, if we choose, characterize it as non-poetic—even as anti-poetic, so long as we remember that for the appreciation of language as poetry, this principle is every whit as necessary as the other. The second principle is one which we find given us, to start with, as the nature of language itself at its birth. It is the principle of living unity. Considered subjectively, it observes the resemblances between things, whereas the first principle marks the differences,2 is interested in knowing what things are,whereas the first discerns what they are not. Accordingly, at a later stage in the evolution of consciousness, we find it operative in individual poets, enabling them (τὸ ποιεῖν)to intuit relationships which their fellows have forgotten—relationships which they must now express as metaphor. Reality, once self-evident, and therefore not conceptually experienced, but which can now only be reached by an effort of the individual mind—this is what is contained in a true poetic metaphor; and every metaphor is ‘true’1 only in so far as it contains such a reality, or hints at it. The world, like Dionysus, is tom to pieces by pure intellect; but the poet is Zeus; he has swallowed the heart of the world; and he can reproduce it as a living body.

It is really not at all surprising that philologists should have had such a vivid hallucination of metaphor bending over the cradle of meaning. For the distinction is a distinction of agent rather than of function, and the principle is indeed one. Nevertheless it is better to keep the definition of the label metaphor within bounds and thus to deny it to these early meanings, which appear in the world without individualized poetic effort. Figure and figurative, on the other hand—as long as we disentangle them carefully in our minds from the modern expression ‘figure of speech’, may justly be applied, owing to the perceptual or aesthetic, the pictorial, form in which these unitary meanings first manifest in consciousness. Not an empty ‘root meaning to shine’, but the same definite spiritual reality which was beheld on the one hand in what has since become pure human thinking; and on the other hand, in what has since become physical light; not an abstract conception, but the echoing footsteps of the goddess Natura—not a metaphor but a living Figure.

[4]

Perhaps nothing could be more damning to the ‘root’ conception of language than the ubiquitous phenomenon of the Myth. Now myth, at any rate for the Aryan peoples, is intimately bound up with the early history of meaning. It is the same with innumerable words; if one traces them back far enough, one reaches a period at which their meanings had a mythical content. To take such English words as panic, hero, fortune, fury, earth, North, South, is merely to lay hands on the most obvious examples. A glance at the Vedas will make much clearer the enormously wide scope of this historical phenomenon. Yet the ‘root’ theory of language and its affiliated conceptions either have nothing to say on this head, or they suggest the most sterile trivialities. The reason of this is fairly plain. Upon such a view the myths must be the product of that same mysterious ‘metaphorical period’ when the inventive ingenuity of humanity is said to have burgeoned and sprouted as never before or since. Thus Max Müller, who perceived very clearly the intimate bond connecting myth with metaphor and meaning, was actually obliged to characterize the myth as a kind of disease of language.1 Such a point of view is barely worth discussing, or rather, to the genuine critic, it is not worth discussing. For, for him, the poetic wisdom-values which he finds over and over again in myth would themselves be an immediate and sufficient answer. The word ‘disease’ is meaningless in such a connection.

On the other hand, the more widely accepted ‘naturalistic’ theory of myths is very little more satisfactory. For it is obliged to lean just as heavily on the same wonderful metaphorical period. The only difference is this, that for an extinct race of mighty poets it substitutes an extinct race of mighty philosophers. In either case, we must admit that the posthumous obscurity of these intellectual giants is ill-deserved, considering that the world owes to them (to take only one example) practically the entire contents of Lemprière’sClassical Dictionary. The remoter ancestors of Homer, we are given to understand, observing that it was darker in winter than in summer, immediately decided that there must be some ‘cause’ for this ‘phenomenon’, and had no difficulty in tossing off the ‘theory’ of, say, Demeter and Persephone, to account for it. A good name for this kind of banality—the fruit, as it is, of projecting post-logical thoughts back into a pre-logical age—would perhaps be ‘Logomorphism’. Whatever we call it, there is no denying that it is at present extraordinarily widespread, being indeed taken for granted in all the most reputable circles. Imagination, history, bare common sense—these, it seems, are as nothing beside the paramount necessity that the great Mumbo Jumbo, the patent, double-million magnifying Inductive Method, should be allowed to continue contemplating its own ideal reflection—a golden age in which every man was his own Newton, in a world dropping with apples. Only when poesy, who is herself alive, looks backward, does she see at a glance how much younger is the Tree of Knowledge than the Tree of Life.1[5]

For to the poetic understanding myth presents an altogether different face. These fables are like corpses which, fortunately for us, remain visible after their living content has departed out of them. In the Classical Dictionary, the student of poetic diction finds delicately mummified for his inspection any number of just those old single meanings, which the differentiating, analytic process already referred to has desiccated and dissected. Goethe gave symbolical expression to this striking fact at the end of Act III, Part II, of his Faust. Here, however, a single example must suffice. We find poet after poet expressing in metaphor and simile the analogy between death and sleep and winter, and again between birth and waking and summer, and these, once more, are constantly made the types of a spiritual experience—of the death in the individual soul of its accidental part and the putting on of incorruption. ‘Except a corn of wheat fall into the ground, and die, it abideth alone; but if it die, it bringeth forth much fruit.’

Now by our definition of a ‘true metaphor’, there should be some older, undivided ‘meaning’ from which all these logically disconnected, but poetically connected ideas have sprung. And in the beautiful myth of Demeter and Persephone we find precisely such a meaning. In the myth of Demeter the ideas of waking and sleeping, of summer and winter, of life and death, of mortality and immortality are all lost in one pervasive meaning. This is why so many theories are brought forward to account for the myths. The naturalist is right when he connects the myth with the phenomena of nature, but wrong if he deduces it solely from these. The psycho-analyst is right when he connects the myth with ‘inner’ (as we now call them) experiences, but wrong if he deduces it solely from these. Mythology is the ghost of concrete meaning. Connections between discrete phenomena, connections which are now apprehended as metaphor, were once perceived as immediate realities. As such the poet strives, by his own efforts, to see them, and to make others see them, again.

In a work with the present title, one need have no hesitation in making such round assertions; for either they are true, or poetry itself is a dream and a disease. ‘It is easily seen’, wrote Emerson, referring especially to the kind of metaphor or analogy which relates the ‘inner’ experience to the ‘outer’:

‘that there is nothing lucky or capricious in these analogies, but that they are constant, and pervade nature. These are not the dreams of a few poets, here and there, but man is an analogist, and studies relations in all objects. He is placed in the centre of beings, and a ray of relation passes from every other being to him. And neither can man be understood without these objects, nor these objects without man. All the facts in natural history taken by themselves have no value, but are barren like a single sex. But marry it to human history, and it is full of life….

‘Because of this radical correspondence between visible things and human thoughts, savages, who have only what is necessary, converse in figures. As we go back in history, language becomes more picturesque, until its infancy, when it is all poetry; or all spiritual facts are represented by natural symbols.’11 See also Appendix II.

1 In stomach we may very possibly have an example of the transition stage—the actual moment of division. For in the twentieth century the expression ‘I have no stomach to the business’ is still by no means purely psychic in its content. It describes a very real physical sensation, or rather one which cannot be classified as either physical or psychic. Yet, on the analogy of the other words mentioned above, it is reasonable to suppose that, when a sufficient number of years has elapsed, the meaning of this word also may have been split by the evolution of our consciousness into two; and the physico-psychic experience in question will have become as incomprehensible to our posterity, as it is incomprehensible to most of us today that anyone should literally feel his ‘bowels moved’ by compassion.

1 See Appendix IV.

2 For example, while every man is papa, this does not mean that the child uses the word papa to express a general idea, ‘man’. He has no such general idea. He has one single meaning, ‘papa’, but it is a meaning which contains within itself the capacity to split up, or unfold or evolve into two separate ideas, ‘Father’ and ‘man’, of which one is more particular, and the other more general than the original ‘portmanteau’ meaning.

1Essay on Milton, p. 3. ‘Nations, like individuals, first perceive and then abstract. They advance from particular images to general terms. Hence the vocabulary of an enlightened society is philosophical, that of a half-civilized people is poetical’. It is clear that Macaulay is here using the word ‘perceive’ in the ordinary, wider sense—the sense in which I use ‘observe’ (sec II, 5, note).

2Progress in Language, § 273.

3Ibid., § 79.

1 See also Appendix IV.

1Advancement of Learning, II v. 3.

1A Defence of Poetry, p. I. I keep his term, though Liddell and Scott give λογίζεσθαι only.

2 Cf. Bacon; Novum Organum, i. 55.

Maximum et velutradicalediscrimeningeniorum, quoadphilosophiam et scientias, illudest: quod alia ingeniasintfortiora et aptioraadnotandas rerum differentias: alia, ad notandas rerum similitudines. Ingeniaenim constantia et acutafigerecontemplationes, et morari, et haerere in omnesubtilitatedifferentiarumpossunt; ingeniaautemsublimia et discursivaetiamtenuissimas et catholicas rerum similitudines et agnoscunt at componunt: utrumqueautemingenium facile labitur in excessum, prensandoautgradus rerum, autumbras.

1 See also Appendix III.

1The Science of Language, II, 454 ff.•

1 See also Appendix IV.

1 Emerson; Nature, Ch. IV on ‘Language’.

**

[1]

It may very well be objected that certain words, as abstract, concrete, subjective, etc., have been used in this book, either in a question-begging manner, or at least without a sufficiently clear indication of what is meant by them. Therefore, while I believe that their significance ought to have emerged gradually from the text itself—provided that it be allowed to stand as a whole—I should like, in the remaining Appendices, to try and state in a somewhat more condensed manner what I intended to convey by these ambiguous symbols.

In explanation of the form of this particular Appendix (II), I might perhaps add that, in the case of abstract and concrete, it seemed to me that the best way to set their meaning in a clear light was to try and relate what I have said here on the nature of consciousness with some well-known intellectual system. With this end, I took Locke’s Essay on the Human Understanding and Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason and endeavoured to locate their precise point of departure from my own premises and conclusions. I chose Locke, partly because he paid such particular attention to language, partly because he is English, and partly because it seems to me that historically the Essay does really mark a very important initial step in the development of those intellectual premises (they are premises now) which make it so difficult for Western thought to grasp the true nature of inspiration. So far I have only hinted at these premises under cover of such words as abstraction (as used in the loose sense) or ‘logomorphism’.

Kant, on the other hand, I selected because, with all his contempt of Locke, it seems to me that the Critique of Pure Reason was one of the most effective intellectual factors in finally clenching these premises upon the minds of almost the whole Western world. It is not merely a matter of acknowledged supremacy, though he is indeed revered by many as the Aristotle of post-Christian thought; I follow Steiner (to whose Philosophie der Freiheit1 and Wahrheit und Wissenschaft1 I am here very much indebted) in detecting an unacknowledged influence far wider still. How many children, I wonder, are nowadays informed at an early age by some elder brother or some guide, philosopher, and friend, that what they see and hear and smell is not ‘nature’ but the activity of their own nerves? And though this is not Kant’s doctrine, it is a crude physiological reflection of it. Thus, it does not require a very active fancy to see the Königsberg ghost hovering above, and intertwining itself with the ideas of minds that never even knew Kant’s name; and this indirect influence may be just as strong over others which are also directly acquainted with his books—and perhaps even despise them. In Croce’s honest words, Kantian doctrine is ‘(so to say) immanent in all modern thought’.

[2]

The word abstract, as applied to thoughts or to the meanings of words, should not be very hard to define; for there is nothing abhorrent in it from the nature of definition itself. Indeed, it is fairly correct to say that the meaning of a word is abstract, just in so far as it is definable. The definition of a word, which we find in a Dictionary—inasmuch as it is not conveyed by synonym and metaphor, or illustrated by quotation—is its most abstract meaning. And if, when using the word in thought or speech, we are prepared, as Pascal suggested in his Esprit Géométrique, to substitute for the word itself its definition, ‘denuding it of all additional meaning’, then we are thinking or speaking abstractly. Thus, in thinking of gold, if we can at any point in our thought substitute ‘a precious, yellow, non-rusting, malleable, ductile metal of high specific gravity’, then our thought of gold is relatively abstract. A purely abstract term—which, with the possible exception of numbers,1 can nowhere exist—is a mark representing, not a thing or being, but the fact that identical sensations have been experienced on two or more occasions. It is in fact a classification of sense-perceptions. Purely abstract thinking, carried to its logical conclusions, is thus—counting;1 as was realized by Hobbes, who described all thinking as addition and subtraction, and by Leibnitz who, regarding perception itself as a kind of imperfect thought, described it as ‘unconscious numeration’.

Now the meaning of nearly every word, as was pointed out in III, 2, can apparently be interpreted, on an etymological analysis, in terms of pure sense-perceptions. Let us say, then, that every word, in so far as it is interpreted to ‘mean’ the percept itself, is material; in so far as it is interpreted to mean the fact of the repetition of percepts, is abstract; in so far as it is interpreted to mean the percepts plus the real but imperceptible link between them, is concrete. It could be shown without much difficulty that the first interpretation is simply the fruit of confused thinking, while the second is possible, but is equivalent to numeration.

Where the denotation of the word seems at first sight to be wholly remote from the physical world, as in the case of virtue, we shall still find that, in so far as we consider it to be susceptible of scientific ‘definition’—in so far, that is, as its meaning is abstract to us—it is ultimately reducible to terms of sensation plus numeration. Thus, even if we call virtue an ‘impulse’ to perform certain actions, we are left with the obligation to define impulse; nor will it be long before we are talking about ‘pushing’. But what can a push be but a ‘force’, i.e. a something, an x, an abstraction definable only by its observed numerical effects? And even if we give up this attempt at pure definition (= pure abstraction) and, taking just a little help from metaphor, affirm the existence of a ‘moral world’ imperceptible to the senses, we are still quite incapable of defining virtue, except by its observed effects. A far bolder activity of the imagination is necessary before the concept ‘virtue’, in its radiant and practical reality, can be lit up in one mind by suggestion from another. And the same is true of gold.

An excellent example of language at an advanced stage of abstraction is the English language, as Locke sought to interpet it. His definitions of words are perfect models of abstract thought, and he proceeded to attribute this defining activity of his own to primitive man, as the process by which language actually came into being.

‘One of Adam’s children [he wrote], roving in the mountains, lights on a glittering substance which pleases his eye. Home he carries it to Adam, who, upon consideration of it, finds it to be hard, to have a bright yellow colour, and an exceeding great weight. There, perhaps, at first, are all the qualities he takes notice of in it; and abstracting this complex idea, consisting of a substance having that peculiar bright yellowness, and a weight very great in proportion to its bulk, he gives the name zahab, to denominate and mark all substances that have these sensible qualities in them.’1

This is the kind of thing I mean by ‘logomorphism’ as an historical delusion. It can also, as will be seen later, be a psychological delusion.

[3]

Just as a concrete definition is an impossibility, so it is much harder to give even an approximate definition of the word concrete itself—not, of course, of the simple, physical meaning commonly attached to it in Logic primers, but in the sense in which it has been used in this book. It is difficult, because one is brought face to face, on the very threshold, with the whole mystery of creation—and even incarnation; with the mystery, in fact, of Meaning itself and of the qualitative reality which definition automatically excludes. If I were to bring the reader into my presence and point to an actual lump of gold, without even opening my mouth and uttering the wordgold—then, this much at least could be said, that he would have had from me nothing that was not concrete. But that does not take us very far. For it does not follow that he would possess anything but the most paltry and inchoate knowledge of the whole reality—‘gold’. The depth of such knowledge would depend entirely on how many he might by his own activity have intuited of the innumerable concepts, which are as much a part of the reality as the percepts or sense-data,1 and some of which he must already have made his own before he could even observe what I am pointing to as an ‘object’ at all (cf. II, 5). Other concepts—already partially abstracted when I name them—such as the gleaming, the hardness to the touch, the resemblance to the light of the sun, its part in human history, as well as those contained in the dictionary definition—all these may well comprise a little, but still only a very little, more of the whole meaning.

Both in the text and here, therefore, it has not been possible to do much more than hint at the nature of concrete meaning and the knowledge of it. Nor am I unaware of the unsatisfactory nature of the particular hint which I attempted to give in IV, I, of some conceivably more concrete inflexion of the verb ‘to cut’. For apart from the word ‘I’, the phrase ‘I cut this flesh with joy’ represents, as it stands, merely an addition to the abstract ‘cut’ of other more or less abstract ideas. It must, however, be remembered that it is just a part of the point at issue that reality is not susceptible of direct expression in modem language. Thus, the meaning of the whole passage is accessible only to the active imagination of the reader himself, if he has good will enough to try and reconstruct for himself, on the basis of what is given, the consciousness of the hypothetical individual who heard or uttered the hypothetical word.

[4]

Following from the above, we shall find it particularly important to realize that the operation in the poet of the unitary principle which I characterized as ‘poetic’ by no means coincides with the ‘synthesis’ of modern philosophy and psychology. The latter word is generally used, whether deliberately or no, in the sense of a synthesis of ideas already abstract. The former, on the other hand, is always a direct conceptual linking of percept to percept, or image to image, from the bottom of the scale upwards (II, 5), and is therefore justly labelled aesthetic. Though pictorial images in the memory may be substituted for the actual sense-data, it is a peculiar mark of this poetic cognition (inspiration) that it commonly has a counter-effect (recognition) on the very observation through which it has been generated in the first instance. This is much less likely to be the case with opinions or judgements that owe their origin in part to ‘synthesis’ in the sense in which that word is commonly used. Thus, my experience in observation of apple-blossom is not much affected by my judgement that the tree before me is of the genus pyrus malus, which is of the order Rosaceae. All this judgement can do for me is to direct me to look out for a possible real resemblance between apple-blossom, pear-blossom, and roses, which, as it is intuited in actual observation, becomes poetic knowledge (inspiration), and will then react, as wisdom, on my further experience in observation (recognition), so that I shall truly see or ‘read’ the flowers with different eyes.1

Now this judgement, even in its present logistic form, could never have been produced by analysis only. Thus, synthesis, as well as analysis, is not a poetic, but a discursive function, operating within the sphere of the rational principle. And, for example, Locke’s distinction between Wit and Judgement, which might appear at first to be a representation of the two principles traced in this book, is in reality very different.2 Locke, who started out with ‘simple ideas’, never discriminated between percept and idea; he did not sec that the idea must already contain a conceptual element. Hence his synthetic faculty of Wit is synthetic only in the discursive or logistic sense of divining the general in the particular. It conducts a synthesis of ideas. Now this is precisely what I understand by the word definition. The whole philosophy of Locke might indeed be described as a Philosophy of Definition; hence, no doubt, the amount of space which he devoted to language.

All this is ‘synthesis’ in exactly the sense in which Aristotle uses the word in the De Anima,1 distinguishing it from knowledge proper and pointing out that it is the beginning of error. It is the beginning of error because it is only the ‘putting together’ of subjective ‘ideas’. And this putting together can only come after, and by means of, a certain discrimination of actual phenomena—a seeing of them as separate sensible objects—without which the ideas themselves (general notions) could never have existed. The poetic principle, on the contrary, was already operative before such discrimination took place, and, when it continues to operate afterwards in inspiration, it operates in spite of that discrimination and seeks to undo its work. The poetic conducts an immediate conceptual synthesis of percepts. Brought into contact with these by its partial attachment to some individual human brain and body, it meets—through the senses—the disjecta membra of a real world, and weaves them again into the one real whole; whence it was called—not perhaps very happily—by Coleridge esemplastic (εἰϛἓν πλάττειν).

[5]

The same—to take one more example—may be said of Kant’s two principles—the Faculty of Distinction and the Faculty of Wit.1 Both, as he describes them, are discursive. It is true that he postulates an aesthetic ‘synthesis’ or ‘conjunction’ as necessarily preceding that analytical function of the understanding which makes abstraction possible. But this he calls ‘the mere operation of the imagination—a blind but indispensable function of the soul without which we should have no cognition whatever, but of the working of which we are seldom even conscious….’ This is, of course, the ‘primary’ imagination with which Coleridge was so much concerned; but the time of psychology was not yet, and Kant was not interested in it. ‘The first thing [he continues] which must be given us in order to the a priori cognition of all objects, is the diversity of the pure intuition; the synthesis of this diversity by means of the imagination is the second; but this gives, as yet, no cognition.’2Thus, it is really our necessary unconsciousness of self during the actual moment at which this true, aesthetic synthesis, or act of primary imagination, takes place which makes Kant deny to it the name of ‘cognition’. He goes on to point out that ‘the conceptions which give unity to this pure synthesis, and which consist solely in the representation of this necessary synthetical unity, furnish the third requisite for the cognition of an object, and these conceptions are given by the understanding’.2

What are these conceptions, ‘which consist solely in the representation of this necessary synthetical unity’?

Now Kant, in his theory of knowledge, implicitly accepts, as given, the subjectivity of the individual.1 And it is just this fallacy2 which is at the bottom of what I have called ‘Logomorphism’. Kant’s thought is thus extremely ‘logomorphic’, though in a slightly different sense from that in which I first used the word. For he is logomorphic, not historically, but psychologically. He starts his theory of knowledge, not from thinking, but from Kant thinks. This Kant thinks—the ‘synthetical unity of apperception’—is to him ‘the highest point with which we must connect every operation of the understanding, even the whole of logic and after it our transcendental philosophy: indeed, this faculty is the understanding itself’.

He thus identifies thinking with Kant thinks and Kant thinks with the understanding—which is ‘the faculty of judging’. In other words, thinking = judging: ‘The same function which gives unity to the different representations in a judgement, gives also unity to the mere synthesis of representations in an intuition.’3

The result is the same as that which arose in Locke’s case through the confusion of percept with idea. All cognition is conceived of as being logical in form: and is of the definable only. Kant’s answer to the question asked at the end of the last paragraph is, therefore: ‘the Categories’. Consequently the ‘unity’ to which he refers is really the unity produced out of a logistic process of comparison, that is to say, it is a unity based on the synthesis and analysis of ideas—which do indeed posit a remembering, comparing, judging subject.1 In other words, it is the unity of the general notion, the ‘nominal essence’ of Locke, the ‘abstract universal’ of V, I; and it has really very little to do with the concrete unity of any complex of percepts which we may have learnt actually to recognize as an ‘object’. The only relation it can have to this real unity is the relation of a shadow to a body, whose outer shape the shadow will resemble more or less according to circumstances.2

[6]

In his Essence of Aesthetic (p. 26) Croce shows that it is because he accepts Kant’s theory of cognition that he is obliged to divorce art from knowledge altogether. Criticizing the doctrine of an ‘esemplastic’ imagination, he remarks that ‘in any case, the concept or idea always unites the intelligible to the sensible, and not only in art, for the new concept of the concept, first stated by Kant and (so to say) immanent in all modern thought, heals the breach between the sensible and the intelligible worlds, conceives the concept as judgement, and the judgement as synthesis a priori, and the synthesis a priori as the word becoming flesh, as history. Thus that definition of art leads imagination back to logic and art to philosophy, contrary to intention.’

Croce thus follows Kant in just this all-important point of identifying thinking with judging. Therefore he dislikes the notion that imagination is ‘esemplastic’, is related in any way to thinking and knowing.

For we see from the first few words quoted that, just as Locke identified percept with idea, so the Kantian identifies idea with concept. Whereas the idea is, in truth—as Steiner has so well pointed out—a result which the concept brings about in uniting itself to the percept. It stands between percept and concept, and is the beginning of subjectivity. If the idea is thought, the concept is thinking.

I pause here for emphasis. The distinction is absolutely crucial. If thinking is really identical with judging, instead of merely including it—then Croce’s aesthetic may be quite sound—but I must be talking nonsense.

It is perhaps hardly necessary to add that ‘Realism’, in the sense of an hypostatization of such ideas, must be merely one step further into the realm of unreality. For it is a step into the realm of shadows of shadows. Such hypostatization is today commonly attributed to, e.g., Plato, and that not only by amateurs in philosophy, but even by those who have made it their principal task to interpret him to others, and who, following Kant, regard it as a matter of course that they know what the author of Timaeusmeant better than he did himself. Thus, it may be remarked, in conclusion, that logomorphism is always to be suspected in the writing of modern commentators, etc., upon ancient philosophy or literature. It is precisely when such a writer starts complaining that his author uses the same word in two different senses that the discerning reader will prick up the ears of his imagination in the hope of acquiring some real knowledge. ‘Equivocation’, or ‘amphibology’, as they sometimes call it, should never be imputed, until we have thoroughly satisfied ourselves that the two ideas, which the author in question is accused of confusing, had a separate existence in his time comparable to that which they have in our own. So ubiquitous is the Königsberg ghost that it is, in my opinion, wise to assume every modern writer on every subject to be guilty of logo-morphism, until he has actually produced some evidence of his innocence.

1 Translated into English, and published in one volume under the title The Philosophy of Spiritual Activity.

1 The Arabic system of numeration, of which practically the entire meaning resides in the order in which the figures are arranged, furnishes an interesting commentary on the parallel progress of language towards increased fixity of word-order and abstraction of content. V, 3, etc.

1Essay on the Human Understanding, III, vi, 46.

1 Really very much so, since the perceptual part of his experience is conditioned by his own physical organization, his position in space in relation to the object, etc., etc. Thus, in so far as it is perceptual only, his experience, though always concrete, is subjectively determined: and his knowledge of the reality will vary directly as the extent to which he can disentangle these determinations from it, by knowing them too.

1 It is not denied that this judgement itself may have been mediated originally by the poetic principle operating in language and in the minds of botanists and others. The question to be considered is degree of remoteness from the concrete unity. Were plants classified solely—as they have been classified by Linnaeus—by the number of their stamens, my judgements derived from the study of botany would probably be altogether useless except for the purpose of logical classification. That is to say, they would be useless, not only aesthetically, but in a most practical way, in that I should not have, c.g., the faintest idea how to produce certain plants from certain soils—just as we have already lost most of our knowledge of the healing properties of herbs.

2Essay on the Human Understanding, II, xi, 2.

1 Bk. III, ch. 6. It is remarkable that the Greeks seem to have had an instinctive horror of the very logic which it was obviously their mission to develop: for Æschylus uses συνθετοὶλόγοι in the sense of mere ‘fiction’, which are, he says, ‘of all things most hateful to the gods’.

1Critique of Pure Reason. Meiklejohn, p. 401.

2Ibid., pp. 62–63.

1 It is, however, exceedingly difficult to follow his argument through the tangle of unstable terminology, and at least one passage, wherein he speaks of ‘transcendental unity of apperception’ and ‘objective unity of self-consciousness’, seems to admit of an interpretation quite contrary to the main thread of the Critique.

2 See Appendix IV.

3 It must be remembered that Kant uses intuition in a different sense from that in which it is used in this book. For him it corresponds more with percept than with intuition, as I use the word.

1 ‘All general conceptions—as such—depend for their existence on the analytical unity of consciousness.’ (Ibid., p. 82, note.)

2 There is a curious, somewhat equivocal, passage in the Critique, in which Kant himself seems to suggest that the one kind of unity at any rate ‘presupposes’ the other:

‘If the diversity existing in phenomena—a diversity not of form (for in this they may be similar) but of content—were so great that the subtlest human reason could never by comparison discover in them the least similarity (which is not impossible), in this case the logical law of genera would be without foundation, the conception of genus, nay all general conceptions would be impossible, and the faculty of the understanding, the exercise of which is restricted to the world of conceptions, could not exist. The logical principle of genera, accordingly, if it is to be applied to nature (by which I mean objects presented to our senses), presupposes a transcendental principle. In accordance with this principle, homogeneity is necessarily presupposed in the variety of phenomena (although we are unable to determine a priori the degree of this homogeneity), because without it no empirical conceptions, and consequently no experience, would be possible.’ (Ibid., p. 401).

From: Poetic Diction

A Study in Meaning

Owen Barfield

Cheating At Poker


Some years ago, there was a TV discussion about the coverage of competitive sport, and a survey of which sports the viewing public most enjoyed watching. It was one of those old-fashioned programmes where four experts were sitting on a couch in front of the cameras in the studio late on a Saturday night, going through the pros and cons of televised basketball, ping pong, darts and snooker. All of a sudden, one of the less geriatric members of the team blurted out that poker was a competitive sport but that, of course, we would never see it on television. He was obviously a card aficionado, but the studio went silent, the mere mention of the  game of poker seeming to besmirch the integrity of the BBC. 

In those days, the image of poker was that of a game played for large bundles of cash by East End villains in a smoky basement, with the liquor flowing as freely as the bad language, and heavies at the door. If you were foolish enough to get involved in such a game, and you were lucky enough to win, you would be even luckier to leave intact with your ill-gotten gains. In those days, no one could have imagined poker becoming a popular televised commodity, being played all over the world for millions of dollars. Its image was simply too nefarious. However, the viewing public tend to believe that what they see on the television, and hear on the radio, is true – properly researched and monitored, and transmitted clean as a whistle. Ask any convicted con artist which media would be his choice of self-promotion, and the TV and radio will tie for first place. The general public, in their naivety, have also been led to believe that, if a sport is televised, it is being run according to honest rules of engagement and properly supervised to avoid the chance of cheating. Nothing could be further from the truth – especially as far as televised poker is concerned.

Poker has always had the image of a low-life game, practised by players of – shall we say – a dubious background. It was essential that, in order to imbue the game with a presentable image for worldwide television, some of the taboos and myths surrounding it would have to be swept to one side. The introduction of the TV-friendly ‘Texas Hold’em’ version of poker improved the marketability of the game, certainly as far as the TV cameras were concerned; the venues and the style of the competitions, many being played for enormous prize pools by branded players, completed the scenario. The advent of internet poker helped to cement the magic illusion, with entries to these fabulous events available online. Many winners of large prizes had qualified on internet poker sites, for a pittance, which provided a great background story for journalists. The scene was set for a fantastic marketing and broadcasting coup, and today one can hardly turn on Sky TV late at night without finding coverage of a poker game somewhere. However, clever cardsharps and poker old-timers were to prove themselves streets ahead of the tournament organisers and TV directors when it came to stacking the odds in their favour in their quest to get their hands on the enormous prize money on offer. 

In the 2006 World Series of Poker (WSOP) in Las Vegas, the winner, Jamie Gold, received a prize cheque of $12 million. That’s much, much more than Tiger Woods got for winning the Open recently. Although entry to the World Series cost $10,000, many of the internet poker sites offered incentives and free entries, which made the event more glamorous and marketable – witness the plethora of branded T-shirts and baseball caps. Online poker sites are now even sponsoring film channels. The WSOP is not just about the main multi-million-dollar event, though. There are numerous other high-value competitions that precede it, and many budding poker players from all over the world are keen to take their chances in as many games as possible, for the tantalising possibility of playing against one of the greats, and often making a poker trip to Vegas last for several weeks. However, there is a dark side to the game of tournament poker, even at the World Series level. For the game is rampant with cheating. 

Seasoned poker professionals acknowledge that the difference in the standard of play between themselves and an amateur – say, one who has been playing online for a year or so – is maybe only 2 or 3 per cent. That is one of the attractions of the game: an unknown novice can beat one of the best in the world, given a modicum of luck and some skill, in complete contrast to other games of skill, such as chess or backgammon. That is why thousands of hopeful poker players flock to their favourite internet sites and try to qualify for big events such as the World Series, winning satellites in massive fields of hundreds of players to avoid having to stump up the $10,000 entry fee. Some of the poker sites even offer competitions in which the winner receives free travel, hotel and pocket money as well, a fabulous incentive. Recently, Chris Moneymaker won the World Series after qualifying online for a mere $40. He immediately became a (highly marketable) legend in the poker world. The oddest thing about the game of poker at this high level, however, is that the same players seem to keep reaching the final tables, again and again, year after year, with many ordinary players consistently dropping out in the early stages of the tournament. Can this really just be a case of skill and experience triumphing over less experienced novice players? I think not. 

To reach the final table in a tournament takes a considerable run of consistent good fortune and skill, often over many days and long hours of play, and in the process you have to win many coin flips during all-in situations. Once you have survived this onslaught, sometimes over a period of several days’ play on many different tables against many different players, you have to go through the whole process again on the final table of nine players itself. Given the odds of winning all the coin flips, and the aforementioned small skill differentials between the top and novice players, there has been suspicion, to say the very least, that all is not quite as it seems in the poker world. Some players have even reached the final tables at spectacles such as the WSOP in several different tournaments in the same year, collecting enormous sums of prize money for their efforts. They must be excellent players, surely… or do they have a hidden secret weapon and agenda? Of course they do, and I am now going to blow the lid off what really goes on behind the scenes of poker tournaments, at the highest level of play, all over the world. 

The first thing to appreciate about major poker tournaments is that the leading contestants who make it big time and appear to be winning huge amounts of money actually only own a very small percentage of it themselves, so by the time that they slog it out to the final table their prize fund has been greatly diminished. However, they will have at the same time taken a share or interest in some of their fellow players too, creating a situation in which a certain group of players have a large vested financial interest in themselves as a team, and will go to any lengths to ensure their survival through the ranks. The set-up of players investing in other players whom they are playing against will always happen at major poker tournaments. When entry fees to some competitions are as high as $10,000 or more a go, this is sometimes the only way some of these players can afford to participate in the first place. In some tournaments, some players might have a piece of the action in as many as forty or fifty players, so it is easy to understand how they have a vested interest in reaching the prize-money stages. And, if you analyse the prize structure, you can understand why. Consider 8,500 players put up $10,000 each in entry-fee money. That creates a prize pool of $85 million. The way the prize pool is structured, with $12 million going to the winner, and prize money all the way down to 500th place, the odds of winning the competition are severely diminished. Plus, the organisers will have raked off a decent percentage from the top of the pot, to cover their expenses, and a profit. Obviously, this means that less money is being paid out than has been paid in. And this means that the top players, in order to obtain value, have no choice but to gang up together and agree to play as a team, at the expense of the hapless no-hopers who are going to get burned out of the competition early, and forfeit all those $10,000 buy-ins to the master syndicate. Put simply, this is collusion in its purest form, and it is rife at high-level tournament poker. 

This is how it works. Six well-known players – perhaps professionals who battle it out week after week at the poker tables in tournaments all over the world and know each other well – meet up a few days before a tournament is about to begin and agree to play, effectively, as a team. The financial benefits to them are enormous. These players are not after the glory of being televised on the final table in showdowns; although they undoubtedly have large egos, they are far more interested in winning cash. And, by working together, they are stacking the odds tremendously in their favour. Say a smaller event than the World Championship costs $2,500 to enter, and the prize pool is $200,000; playing as a group gives the syndicate far more chance of hitting the jackpot than if they all played solo. So they agree to help each other out, three of the team members being designated as suppliers, and the other three as receivers. The supplier’s role is to provide his chips to the receiver, normally in a ‘heads-up’ situation, to enhance his stack to such an extent that it will make a material difference to his game. As tournaments progress, and the small-blind/big-blind antes go up, short-stacked players become increasingly unlikely to win. It is therefore imperative that at least one member of the team moves through the ranks to the next table with a substantial stack of chips, in order to give him a fair crack of the whip. And the other players in the collusion team are quite happy to sacrifice their chips to one of their team-mates at crucial times of the tournament to assist him in having a fair crack at making the final table – which, of course, would provide a pay day for the entire team. 

This form of cheating is known as ‘chip dumping’ and is strictly speaking illegal in poker, but it happens all the time. I have watched hours of video recordings of major poker tournaments and have found evidence of chip dumping, at the highest levels, between many well-known players. Year after year, the same players are involved in this practice. A certain number of these high-class players have reached the final tables so many times that you could be forgiven for thinking that they had entered the competition at the very last moment with a huge pile of chips, and had only to play a couple of hands before moving straight to the final table. So how does the scam work?

Our six friends are intent on the three receivers building up their stacks of chips, to give them the maximum chance when they are approaching the final. As soon as two of the team make the same table, it is the job of the supplier to give up his chips to the receiver at the least obvious but most appropriate opportunity. As soon as he is in a suitable position on the table vis-à-vis the blind structure, the receiver will be looking for an opportunity to go into a ‘heads-up’ battle with the provider. Through the use of sophisticated prearranged signalling, the two players discover what each other’s hole cards are. This is done by placing their chips as card guards on their hands: the exact position of the chips determines the value of the hand. Top left corner A-A, top middle K-K, top right Q-Q, left centre J-J, middle centre 10-10, right centre 9-9 and so on and so forth. This clever strategy of using chips and cards to signal to one’s cohorts the value of pocket cards is almost foolproof, and the team are very careful not to use signalling devices that involve the face or fingers – certainly not for indicating the value of their hands. But they also practise discreet physical signals, such as scratching the nose, rubbing the chin and pulling on the earlobe to indicate other scenarios, such as when they want the all-in call. 

Signalling was a little more difficult for high hands that were not pairs, but the scammers found a way around this, too, by using two chips as card guards to give away the secret. What the duo are looking for is the receiver with a strong hand, and the supplier with a strongish one – although the supplier’s hand is not that important, as we will see shortly. The receiver has to quickly add up the number of chips held by the supplier, because this is going to determine the size of his raise. Given a weak betting hand, the receiver will make a large raise, and the supplier will call, to within a whisker of his chip stack. The rest of the table folds, and the pair now see the entire five community cards dealt, having checked throughout. If by the river the receiver knows he has a winning hand, he will put the supplier all-in, they will show their hands and he will be the next one out of the competition, to much commiseration from the other players at the table. If, however, the supplier has fluked the winning hand, he will simply fold his hand, and acknowledge the receiver’s ‘winning hand’. Whichever method, the result is the same, and the receiver has built up his chip stack nicely, ready to take on the rest of the players on his behalf, and on behalf of the rest of his cohorts. 

As competitions draw closer and closer to the holy grail of the final table of nine and the alluring prize money, more and more players are knocked out. This sometimes goes in spurts and runs, especially when three players are involved in a showdown, when two may be eliminated at once. Tournament organisers are always keen to have their tables evenly balanced, so players are moved frequently from table to table to keep them full at all times. Sometimes, three of the cohorts end up playing on the same table together, and that is when the real fun begins: the other seven players have no idea of the shock they are about to receive. When the conspirators end up three to a table, their modus operandi changes, and the collusion team’s bad hands protect its good ones. The bad hands have a function, which is to draw extra chips into the pot when the cohorts’ hand is very strong. Members of the cheating team with bad hands play a very important role in raising their bet when it is their turn to act, generating more chips in the pot for their accomplice with the strong hand, and then simply folding at the appropriate time so as to avoid suspicion. A cheating team of three can thus manipulate the betting structure on the table, rope in their unsuspecting challengers into the net, and more than likely win pots with their bully tactics, even if they do not have the best hand. Should one of the team actually have the nuts – three times more likely than a single player, if you think about it – then, again, the maximum can be drawn from the rest of the field. In this way, the cohorts have a very strong chance indeed of getting one of their team through to the next table, high on adrenalin, chips and betting power, ready to take on the rest of the players with his secret ammunition of collusion and betting power with his ill-gotten chips. And, once the field has dwindled down to the vital last couple of tables, the big collusive moves of chip-dumping are executed. 

While using chips are the preferred method of signalling hole cards to the other team members, there are other methods used too. Sophisticated players sometimes ‘finger’ their cards on the table, tapping their cards on the correct spot to identify their value. I have seen both these methods used frequently, and would consider them both to be very effective and almost undetectable. As the great casino cheat Joe Classon once said, ‘Never leave any evidence behind when you are operating a scam.’

There is a third method, though, which is also ingenious. Most players at poker tables handle and shuffle their chips while waiting for their next move, with some having perfected clever tricks with their chips and elaborate shuffles. Some of these ‘must-have’ chip-shuffling techniques are even available for sale on the internet. Needless to say, some mechanics and cheats have elaborated a way to shuffle their chips in a certain manner and with specific stacks and denominations to signal their hands to their accomplices. And then there is the verbal collusion. Once a predetermined verbal code has been agreed upon, a simple question about the weather, the last hand, the ball game or the lottery result can have sinister implications for the other players. 

Despite the shrewd advice of the legendary Joe Classon, cheating involving the marking of cards is also evident in poker, although it is much less common than collusion. At the 2006 WSOP, which had a record number of entries, the first few days degenerated into a state of chaos, with dealers threatening to walk out over a pay dispute and players complaining bitterly about the quality of the decks being dealt, many for two or three days at a time. There was strong evidence of card marking, attained by putting tiny creases or crimps, or even little nail scratches on the back of face cards.

In fact, a new and highly sophisticated card-marking scam took America by storm recently, one so ingenious that it must surely rank as the ultimate card-marking story ever. An optometrist discovered a colourless liquid that could mark cards in a way that could only be detected by someone wearing a specially designed pair of contact lenses. The beauty of this product was that it was odourless, and it disappeared without a trace after 30 minutes. The problem was how to get the solution on to the backs of the cards during play. One team found the perfect method. A glamorous lady team member kept the solution in her make-up bag, and, from time to time, as all ladies do, she would remove her compact at the card table to powder her nose, and at the same time apply a few drops of the solution to her fingers, undetected. She was then able to mark her cards over a few hands, giving her and the rest of her team a serious advantage over the rest of the unsuspecting players, and enabling the team to clean up, literally. Joe Classon would have approved. 

Card-switching is another method of cheating at poker. Clever mechanics can swap a hole card with a partner sitting next to them. Imagine being dealt King-three, with your partner receiving King-six. A quick mechanic team would be able to swap the three for the King, giving him a monster starting pair. These mechanics perfect their acts so the switch goes completely unnoticed, and happens in literally a split second, well disguised with their arms, which are placed at such an angle as to prevent anyone noticing, and ostensibly to protect their own cards from prying eyes!

Dealers are not averse to getting in on bent poker action too, often teaming up with a player at their table in a conspiracy to cut the profits. A slick dealer can keep high cards together in a clump during a fake shuffle, deal his partner a monster hand, and then secretly show – by undetectable and subtle thumb and finger signals – when to check, call, raise or fold. A dealer–player collusion syndicate is probably one of the most powerful moves in poker cheating; it is very profitable, impossible to beat and is extremely difficult to spot. Stealing money at poker is almost the ultimate financial crime, because the advantage is that no money is missing after it has been stolen. 

Internet poker is riddled with cheats. Put simply, the integrity of a significant number of the online poker sites sucks. Collusion online is easy, and the poker sites are aware of it. Furthermore, there are computer hackers out there who have devised extremely clever and sophisticated software to enable them to actually see their opponents’ hole cards. And some players don’t trust the honesty of the sites themselves. Many of the online poker businesses were started up by entrepreneurs with, shall we say, dubious track records.

In order to appreciate how vulnerable the actual games of poker offered by these online sites are, one has to look at the software used by these firms. Online poker is dealt by the use of shuffles and deals generated by the use of random number generators. However, these programs are not idiot proof, and a few years ago a group of computer programmers found a gaping black hole in online card-room security. They discovered a means of precisely calculating the order of cards that were to be dealt from a shoe at poker, enabling them to know what every player’s hole cards were, and also the order of cards that were to be dealt for the flop, turn and river. The algorithm that was the starting point for the deal was programmed to the number of milliseconds past midnight according to the system’s clock. All the card-cheating computer gurus had to do was synchronise their program with the computer clock, and they were on to winning without any risk. Online card rooms insist that this trapdoor has now been firmly shut, but I for one am certain that computer experts will find another one soon. 

As with live poker games, however, collusion is a much more sinister problem, and online poker sites employ full-time security to stamp it out. However, their ammunition is plainly inadequate, and mainly revolves around checking the IDs, computer addresses and credit-card details of players who frequently play on the same tables. The inference is obvious: a team from the same town playing on the same online table, could actually be huddled round a live dining table in one of the team member’s houses with half a dozen laptops on the go – or, more likely, be disclosing their hands to one another via SMS messages or mobile-phone calls themselves. The poker site security departments are very quick to claim that they shut down such players, but fail to admit that sophisticated cheats are going to simply bypass this obvious system and go to much greater lengths of setting up IDs in different cities, with the use of multiple credit cards, different log-in IDs and much more. From experience, I would estimate that 5 per cent of the online poker games are infiltrated by players who are in collusion with each other. Colluders are always trying to find newer and safer methods of beating the sites, and the stakes they are playing for are high, many millions of pounds changing hands online every day. But they have to be careful, too. If caught, they face being barred from the site, and they also run the risk of having their account balances frozen at the same time. 

The most dramatic method of online cheating at poker has to be the ultimate software program, which is available to those in the know. It is expensive, but is worth every penny, and is called ‘Peeker’. This incredible computer program – obviously only available on the black market, and only offered to the most trusted players – actually lets you see the other players’ hole cards while playing online poker from the comfort of your own home.

Wonders will never cease in the hi-tech gadgetry surrounding online gaming, so the next time you sit down at a poker table, be it live or online, be aware that there are forces surrounding you that may not all be legitimate. You could be playing live against colluders, or online against robots.

Nigel Goldman

Great Gambling Scams ...

Thursday, May 21, 2026

Either we serve the Unconditional, or ...

 AUDEN AND BIOGRAPHY 

‘Biographies of writers,’ declared W. H. Auden, ‘are always superfluous and usually in bad taste. A writer is a maker, not a man of action. To be sure, some, in a sense all, of his works are transmutations of his personal experiences, but no knowledge of the raw ingredients will explain the peculiar flavour of the verbal dishes he invites the public to taste: his private life is, or should be, of no concern to anybody except himself, his family and his friends.’ 

Auden wrote this towards the end of his life, but it was an opinion that he had held for many years. He even suggested that most writers would prefer their work to be published anonymously, so that the reader would have to concentrate on the writing itself and not at all on the writer. He was also (he said) opposed in principle to the publication of, or quotation from, a writer’s letters after his death, which he declared was just as dishonourable as reading someone’s private correspondence while he was out of the room. As to literary biographers, he branded them as, in the mass, ‘gossip-writers and voyeurs calling themselves scholars’. 

So it scarcely came as a surprise when, after his death in September 1973, his executors published his request that his friends should burn any of his letters that they might have kept, when they had ‘done with them’, and should on no account show them to anyone else. Auden himself had explained, in a conversation with one of his executors not long before his death, that this was in order ‘to make a biography impossible’. 

In the months that followed Auden’s death, a very few of his friends did burn one or two of his letters. But most preserved what they had, and several people gave or sold letters to public collections. Meanwhile many of his friends, far from doing anything to hinder the writing of a life, published (in various books and journals) their own memoirs of him, which provided valuable material upon which a biographer could work. 

At first sight it may seem as if they were riding roughshod over Auden’s last wishes. But it is not as simple as that. Here, as so often in his life, Auden adopted a dogmatic attitude which did not reflect the full range of his opinions, and which he sometimes flatly contradicted. 

Certainly he often attacked the principle of literary biography, but in practice he made a lot of exceptions. When reviewing actual examples of the genre he was almost always enthusiastic, finding a whole variety of reasons for waiving his rule. We need a biography of Pope, he said, because so many of Pope’s poems grew from specific events which need explaining; we want a life of Trollope because his autobiography leaves out a great deal; of Wagner because he was a monster; of Gerard Manley Hopkins because he had a romantically difficult relationship with his art. Auden’s ‘no biography’ rule was in other words (as his literary executor Edward Mendelson has put it) ‘flexible enough to be bent backwards’. 

The same is true of his attitude to writers’ letters. He usually reviewed published collections of them in friendly terms, and was only censorious when he thought that something private had been included which was merely personal and threw no light on the writer’s work. He himself made a selection of Van Gogh’s letters for publication, and he would have published an edition of the letters of Sydney Smith if someone else had not done it first. As to his own letters, he gave permission for a large number of quotations from them to be published, in academic books and the like, during his lifetime. 

He also left a great deal of autobiographical writing. He once declared: ‘No poet should ever  write an autobiography’; yet he did a great deal towards preserving a record of his own life. Not only does his poetry contain innumerable autobiographical passages, but several poems (including two of his longest, ‘Letter to Lord Byron’ and ‘New Year Letter’) are largely autobiographical in character. Among his prose writings, too, there are all kinds of remarks about events in his life. And in his later years he allowed journalists to visit him in his New York apartment and at his summer house in Austria, letting them publish interviews with him which often recorded highly personal details of his life. 

So there is a great deal of information for a biographer to draw upon. But would Auden, in the end, have approved of a biography being written? 

It is possible that he might on the grounds that he was something of a ‘man of action’, who lived a life so full of interest that it deserves to be recorded for its own sake. This was a justification of biography that he accepted – with one proviso. ‘The biography of an artist, if his life as a man was sufficiently interesting, is permissible,’ he wrote, ‘provided that the biographer and his readers realise that such an account throws no light whatsoever upon the artist’s work.’ 

This last point, of course, brings us back to Auden’s fundamental objection to a writer’s biography. ‘I do believe, however,’ he once added, ‘that, more often than most people realise, his works may throw light upon his life.

**

Two months after the outbreak of war, in November 1939, he went to a cinema in Yorkville, the district of Manhattan where he and Isherwood had lived for a few weeks in the spring. It was largely a German-speaking area, and the film he saw was Sieg im Poland, an account by the Nazis of their conquest of Poland. When Poles appeared on the screen he was startled to hear a number of people in the audience scream ‘Kill them!’ He later said of this: ‘I wondered then, why I reacted as I did against this denial of every humanistic value. The answer brought me back to the church.’ 

*

He had been through many changes of heart since reaching adulthood, but all the dogmas he had adopted or played with – post-Freudian psychology, Marxism, and the liberal-socialist-democratic outlook that had been his final political stance before leaving England – had one thing in common: they were all based on a belief in the natural goodness of man. They all claimed that if one specific evil were removed, be it sexual repression, the domination of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie, or Fascism, then humanity would be happy and unrest would cease. Even the viewpoint which Auden had reached in the summer of 1939 during his ‘honeymoon’, a viewpoint (expressed in ‘The Prolific and the Devourer’) which might be called liberal humanism with religious and pacifist overtones, was still based on a belief in man’s natural goodness. Its message was, in the words of the poem which summed it up, ‘We must love one another or die’: that is, only the exercise of love between human beings would save humanity from self-destruction. The implication was that if humanity followed this precept and so obeyed a ‘divine law’ it could save itself, being fundamentally good. Auden’s experience in the Yorkville cinema in November 1939 radically shook this belief. He now became convinced that human nature was not and never could be good. The behaviour of those members of the audience who shouted ‘Kill them!’ was indeed, as he said, ‘a denial of every humanistic value’. 

In the weeks that followed this experience he considered its implications. It was not just a question of shattered optimism: the whole ground of his outlook had shifted beneath his feet. If humanity were not innately good, then on what basis could he legitimately object to the murderous shouts of the Germans in that cinema audience, or indeed to the behaviour of Hitler himself? Were not the Nazis merely being true to their own nature, to all our natures? What reason could he give for his strong, instinctive, ineradicable hatred of the Nazis and all that they stood for? He had to find some new objective ground from which to argue against Hitler. ‘There had’, as he put it, ‘to be some reason why [Hitler] was utterly wrong.’ 

Auden began to remark to his friends on this desperate need for objective criteria from which to oppose Hitler: ‘The English intellectuals who now cry to Heaven against the evil incarnated in Hitler have no Heaven to cry to,’ he told Erika Mann’s brother Golo; ‘they have nothing to offer and their prospects echo in empty space.’ It seemed utterly clear to him now that liberalism had a fatal flaw in it. 

‘The whole trend of liberal thought’, he wrote during 1940, ‘has been to undermine faith in the absolute… It has tried to make reason the judge… But since life is a changing process… the attempt to find a humanistic basis for keeping a promise, works logically with the conclusion, “I can break it whenever I feel it convenient.”’ He was now certain that he must renew that ‘faith in the absolute’ which appeared to him to be the only possible ground for moral judgement. As he put it in a poem written a short time after visiting the Yorkville cinema: 

Either we serve the Unconditional

Or some Hitlerian monster will supply

An iron convention to do evil by.

So it was that he now began a search for, in the words of this same poem, ‘the vision that objectifies’. He began to read some books of theology.

**

Six pages of The Descent of the Dove are taken up with an acount of the ideas of a Christian thinker whose works Auden had apparently not yet read, but which he now quickly began to study, very probably as a result of the passage about them in Williams’s book. This was Søren Kierkegaard. On 11 March 1940 Auden wrote to E. R. Dodds: ‘Am reading Kierkegaard’s Journal at the moment which is fascinating.’ Soon he had studied the greater part of Kierkegaard’s writings, and, as he later put it to a friend, they ‘knocked the conceit’ out of him. He was, he said, ‘bowled over by their originality… and by the sharpness of their insights’. 

Again, as with Williams’s book, he must in a sense have recognised himself in Kierkegaard’s writings, for Kierkegaard’s early intellectual development bore a marked resemblance to his own. Kierkegaard had, like Auden, been brought up in the Church by one parent especially, in his case his father; and like Auden he had a very ambiguous attitude towards that parent. He felt that his childhood had been responsible for his neurosis, and compared himself to a ship that had sustained damage at its launching. He also believed that there could be no such thing as ‘inherited’ Christianity; each individual must rediscover his religious beliefs for himself. And he argued that this was likely to happen in three stages or categories of experience – stages which exactly corresponded to those that Auden had been through in the past fifteen years. 

Kierkegaard’s first stage of experience was the ‘aesthetic’, in which the individual lives merely for the joys of the present moment – much as Auden had done in his largely amoral days as an undergraduate. This, said Kierkegaard, would soon prove inadequate and would offer the individual the choice of moving into a higher, ‘ethical’ stage. If he took that choice, this ‘ethical’ stage would be one in which he made moral judgements and abided by them – much as Auden had tried to do during the years in which he interested himself in politics and the crises of society. But, declared Kierkegaard, this ‘ethical’ state would soon in its turn prove inadequate, because it made no claims on any transcendent notion of eternity, and because its foundation, a belief in the individual’s (or humanity’s) basic righteousness would soon prove false – which was precisely what Auden had just realised. In consequence, Kierkegaard argued, a new decision becomes necessary. The individual must either abandon himself to despair, or must throw himself entirely on the mercy of God. 

If he accepts the latter choice, he enters at last a ‘religious’ state in which he is ‘alone with his guilt before God’ – though in doing so he ‘finally chooses himself and his relation to the Origin of his self’. This final step can be made not by logical reasoning, but only by faith. Indeed it is not a step at all, but a leap – ‘a leap into the void, a total surrender to God in which Man abandons any foothold and in an ultimate choice realizes his freedom’. Nor can this choice, once made, be shaken: ‘By a leap, faith takes man beyond all rational thought into a new world.’ 

While Auden was reading Williams and Kierkegaard, late in 1939 and early in 1940, he was beginning, for the first time since adolescence, to go now and then to church, though only (as he put it) ‘in a tentative and experimental sort of way’. He was also starting a long poem which was to give expression to the ideas now occupying his mind.

W. H. Auden

 A Biography 

HUMPHREY CARPENTER

The Inclings

 PREFACE

C. S. Lewis died in 1963, J. R. R. Tolkien in 1973, Charles Williams in 1945. In recent years the books of the first two have been immensely popular on both sides of the Atlantic, while Williams, though his name is far less well known, continues to exercise a considerable fascination to those who have encountered his writings.

These three men knew each other well. Lewis and Tolkien met in 1926 and soon achieved an intimacy which lasted for many years. Around them gathered a group of friends, many of them Oxford dons, who referred to themselves informally and half jestingly as ‘The Inklings’. When in 1939 Charles Williams found himself obliged to move from London to Oxford he was quickly taken into this circle, and was on close terms with Lewis and the others until his death.

The Inklings achieved a certain fame – or even notoriety, for they had their detractors – during the lifetime of the group. And when some years later it was noted that The Lord of the Rings, The Screwtape Letters, and All Hallows’ Eve (to name but three of many books) had this in common, that they were first read aloud to the Inklings, it became something of a fashion to study the writings of Lewis, Tolkien, and Williams on the assumption that they were members of a clearly defined literary group with a common aim. Such an assumption may or may not stand up to serious investigation. But in the meanwhile there has been no attempt to write any collective biography of the Inklings. This book tries to fill that gap.

It is based largely on unpublished material, and I am much in the debt of the various people who have made this material available to me. My acknowledgements to them and to the many others who have helped me will be found in Appendix D. As to quotations, their sources are fully identified in Appendix C, by a system which I feel is less intrusive than the conventional method of numerals referring to notes.

The book is largely concerned with C. S. Lewis; for, as I have argued in it, the Inklings owed their existence as a group almost entirely to him. I have also given an account, necessarily highly compressed, of the life and writings of Charles Williams. Of J. R. R. Tolkien’s life and work outside the Inklings I have said very little, because he has been the subject of an earlier book of mine, to which I have little to add.

I have tried to show the ways in which the ideas and interests of the Inklings contrasted sharply with the general intellectual and literary spirit of the nineteen-twenties and thirties. This has necessitated some discussion of their writings, particularly Lewis’s. In this sense the book sometimes strays from ‘pure’ biography into literary criticism. But I have deliberately avoided making any general judgement of these men’s achievement, for I think it is too early to try to do so. I have merely tried to tell their story.

H.C.Oxford, 1978.

**

The friendship was not quite so important to Lewis as it was to Tolkien. Late in 1931 Lewis, writing to Arthur Greeves, described Tolkien as ‘one of my friends of the second class’. In the first class, as he explained in the same letter, were Greeves himself and Owen Barfield.

To anyone studying Lewis’s life, Arthur Greeves is constantly present in the background: a shadowy figure who actually played no part in the action but was the constant recipient of confidences and reflections from Lewis. There is in fact little to be said about him. His family were neighbours of the Lewises in Belfast. Arthur himself was slightly older than Jack Lewis but distinctly less mature: rather childlike, in fact, brought up in perpetual anxiety about his health and, because of his poor constitution and plentiful family funds, soon abandoning any attempt to earn his living. He was so different from Lewis that the friendship seems rather surprising, yet they corresponded regularly, Lewis using Greeves as a mixture of father-confessor and spiritual pupil. With Arthur Greeves he discussed, in adolescent days, questions relating to sex – Greeves later scored out these passages in the letters – and to Greeves he was also something like frank on the topic of Mrs Moore. In fact Greeves burnt several pages which may have contained a full account of Lewis’s relationship with her. On the other hand he often lectured Greeves on weak spelling or poor morale, taking a condescending line with his friend. It was altogether an odd and distinctly schoolboyish correspondence.

Lewis’s friendship with Owen Barfield was of a very different nature, for he regarded Barfield as in every way an intellectual equal and in some respects superior to himself. Of smaller and lighter build than Lewis, Barfield was lithe and nimble – he thought at one time of earning his living as a dancer – and though almost equally adept at logical argument he had none of Lewis’s rather heavy-handed dogmatism.

Lewis and Barfield often took holidays together, and from 1927 onwards they went on a walking tour with a couple of friends almost every spring.

**

As he expressed it to Owen Barfield, the ‘Spirit’ was ‘showing an alarming tendency to become much more personal and is taking the offensive’. One day while going up Headington Hill on a bus he ‘became aware that I was holding something at bay, or shutting something out’. There was a choice to open the door or keep it shut. Next moment he found that he had chosen to open it. From this, which happened in 1927 or 1928, it was only a matter of time before he ‘admitted that God was God’, a step that he finally took in the summer of 1929. It was then that he ‘gave in and knelt and prayed’. But even so he had done no more than accept Theism, a simple belief in God. He was not able to perceive the relevance of Christ’s death and resurrection, and he told a friend, Jenkin: ‘My outlook is now definitely religious. It is not precisely Christianity, though it may turn out that way in the end.’

*

Apart from the last stage, when he had admitted some kind of supernatural experience, Lewis had reached this position entirely through logical argument. Even his acceptance of ‘Joy’ as a factor had only been conceded after elaborate reasoning by Barfield. But now he began to realise that reasoning would not take him any further. The acceptance of God did not lead him automatically to the acceptance of Christianity. He was becoming certain that he wanted to accept it: he examined other religions, but found none that was acceptable; meanwhile his present state of simple Theism was inadequate. On the other hand he did not know how he could argue himself into specifically Christian beliefs. Even if he were to accept the historicity of the Christian story – and he could see no particular barrier to it – he could not understand how the death and resurrection of Christ were relevant to humanity.

*

By the time that Lewis had come to believe in God (but not yet in Christ), Owen Barfield had done something for him that would later bear fruit. He had shown Lewis that Myth has a central place in the whole of language and literature.

Barfield’s arguments were printed in Poetic Diction, a short book by him that appeared in 1928 – though by that time Lewis knew its ideas well. Barfield examined the history of words, and came to the conclusion that mythology, far from being (as the philologist Max Müller called it) ‘a disease of language’, is closely associated with the very origin of all speech and literature. In the dawn of language, said Barfield, speakers did not make a distinction between the ‘literal’ and the ‘metaphorical’, but used words in what might be called a ‘mythological’ manner. For example, nowadays when we translate the Latin spiritus we have to render it either as ‘spirit’ or as ‘breath’ or as ‘wind’ depending on the context. But early users of language would not have made any such distinction between these meanings. To them a word like spiritus meant something like ‘spirit-breath-wind’. When the wind blew, it was not merely ‘like’ someone breathing: it was the breath of a god. And when an early speaker talked about his soul as spiritus he did not merely mean that it was ‘like’ a breath: it was to him just that, the breath of life. Mythological stories were simply the same thing in narrative form. In a world where every word carried some implication of the animate, and where nothing could be purely ‘abstract’ or ‘literal’, it was natural to tell tales about the gods who ruled the elements and walked the earth.

This, in greatly simplified form, is what Barfield argued in Poetic Diction. He was not the only person to come to this conclusion: for example in Germany, Ernst Cassirer had said much the same thing independently. But it was said with particular force by Barfield, and his book impressed not just Lewis but also Tolkien. Not long after the book’s publication, Lewis reported to Barfield: ‘You might like to know that when Tolkien dined with me the other night he said à propos of something quite different that your conception of the ancient semantic unity had modified his whole outlook and that he was always just going to say something in a lecture when your conception stopped him in time. “It is one of those things,” he said “that when you’ve once seen it there are all sorts of things you can never say again.”’ Perhaps it was as a result of reading Barfield’s book that Tolkien made an inversion of Muller’s remark. ‘Languages’, he declared, ‘are a disease of mythology.’

So it was that by 1931 Lewis had come to understand that mythology has an important position in the history of thinking. It was a realisation that helped him across his last philosophical hurdle.

*

On Saturday 19 September 1931 Lewis invited two friends to dine with him in Magdalen. One was Tolkien. The other was Hugo Dyson.

Henry Victor Dyson Dyson, always known as ‘Hugo’, lectured in English Literature at Reading University. He was a couple of years older than Lewis. He had been severely wounded in the First World War, had read English at Oxford, and was a practising member of the Church of England. He was also exuberant and witty. Lewis had been introduced to him in July 1930 by Nevill Coghill, and ‘liked him so much that I determined to get to know him better’. On further acquaintance he found Dyson to be ‘a man who really loves truth: a philosopher and a religious man; who makes his critical and literary activities depend on the former – none of your dammed dilettanti’.

On this Saturday night in 1931, after they had dined, Lewis took his guests on a walk through the Magdalen grounds. They strolled along Addison’s Walk (the path which runs beside several streams of the River Cherwell) and here they began to discuss metaphor and myth.

Lewis had never underestimated the power of myth. Far from it, for one of his earliest loves had been the Norse myth of the dying god Balder. Now, Barfield had shown him the crucial role that mythology had played in the history of language and literature. But he still did not believe in the myths that delighted him. Beautiful and moving though such stories might be, they were (he said) ultimately untrue. As he expressed it to Tolkien, myths are ‘lies and therefore worthless, even though breathed through silver’.

No, said Tolkien. They are not lies.

Just then (Lewis afterwards recalled) there was ‘a rush of wind which came so suddenly on the still, warm evening and sent so many leaves pattering down that we thought it was raining. We held our breath.’

When Tolkien resumed, he took his argument from the very thing that they were watching.

You look at trees, he said, and call them ‘trees’, and probably you do not think twice about the word. You call a star a ‘star’, and think nothing more of it. But you must remember that these words, ‘tree’, ‘star’, were (in their original forms) names given to these objects by people with very different views from yours. To you, a tree is simply a vegetable organism, and a star simply a ball of inanimate matter moving along a mathematical course. But the first men to talk of ‘trees’ and ‘stars’ saw things very differently. To them, the world was alive with mythological beings. They saw the stars as living silver, bursting into flame in answer to the eternal music. They saw the sky as a jewelled tent, and the earth as the womb whence all living things have come. To them, the whole of creation was ‘myth-woven and elf-patterned’.

This was not a new notion to Lewis, for Tolkien was, in his own manner, expressing what Barfield had said in Poetic Diction. Nor, said Lewis, did it effectively answer his point that myths are lies.

But, replied Tolkien, man is not ultimately a liar. He may pervert his thoughts into lies, but he comes from God, and it is from God that he draws his ultimate ideals. Lewis agreed: he had, indeed, accepted something like this notion for many years. Therefore, Tolkien continued, not merely the abstract thoughts of man but also his imaginative inventions must originate with God, and must in consequence reflect something of eternal truth. In making a myth, in practising ‘mythopoeia’ and peopling the world with elves and dragons and goblins, a storyteller, or ‘sub-creator’ as Tolkien liked to call such a person,1 is actually fulfilling God’s purpose, and reflecting a splintered fragment of the true light. Pagan myths are therefore never just ‘lies’: there is always something of the truth in them.

They talked on, until Lewis was convinced by the force of Tolkien’s argument. But he had another question to put to his friends, and as it was late they decided to go indoors to Lewis’s rooms on Staircase III of New Buildings. There, he recorded, ‘we continued on Christianity’.

**

OWEN BARFIELD Born in 1898, the son of a London solicitor. His parents were ‘free-thinkers’ and (wrote Lewis in Surprised by Joy) ‘he had hardly heard of Christianity itself until he went to school’. After attending Highgate School he served in the Royal Engineers, 1917–19, and then read English at Wadham College, Oxford, where he got a First Class. He later took a B. Litt. After leaving Oxford, Barfield worked for seven years as a freelance writer, holding various appointments on editorial staffs and contributing to the New Statesman, London Mercury, and other journals. In about 1922 he became interested in the teachings of Rudolf Steiner, and, together with Lewis’s friend Cecil Harwood, joined the Anthroposophical Society. His book Poetic Diction, which in its original form was his B. Litt. thesis, was published in 1928. In 1931 lack of sufficient income from writing (he now had a wife and children to support) made him enter his father’s legal firm while studying for the B.C.L. at Oxford. The work was hard and demanding, and his literary output became small until, nearly thirty years later, a gradual retirement from legal practice allowed him to write a number of books which are largely concerned with Anthroposophy: Saving the Appearances (1957), Worlds Apart (1963), and Unancestral Voice (1965), as well as Speaker’s Meaning (1967) and What Coleridge Thought (1971). Interest in these books was aroused in several American universities, and Barfield has made a number of visits to the United States to give lectures. He lives in Kent.

The Inklings

C. S. Lewis, J. R. R. Tolkien,

Charles Williams and their friends

Humphrey Carpenter