To be is to be contingent: nothing of which it can be said that "it is" can be alone and independent. But being is a member of paticca-samuppada as arising which contains ignorance. Being is only invertible by ignorance.

Destruction of ignorance destroys the illusion of being. When ignorance is no more, than consciousness no longer can attribute being (pahoti) at all. But that is not all for when consciousness is predicated of one who has no ignorance than it is no more indicatable (as it was indicated in M Sutta 22)

Nanamoli Thera
Showing posts with label hermits. Show all posts
Showing posts with label hermits. Show all posts

Saturday, October 17, 2026

The Hermit of Wallasey Village


all info by Steve Jones (fellow admin on North Wirral Facebook Group)

Gotthold Johann Frederick Krueger, who had been known locally as Frederick Krueger, the Wallasey Hermit, was found dead in his hut in a field adjoining Green Lane, Wallasey, on 8th March 1909 by a labourer, Charles Webster of 2 Russell Road. He had lived in the area for up to 30 years and although everyone knew who he was, few knew much about him.

At the inquest some of his past was revealed. He was born in Mecklenburg about 1848 and his family was said to have been on the personal staff of the King of Prussia. He had graduated at Rostock, Munich and Leipzig Universities; was a Greek and Latin scholar as well as being fluent in English, French and Italian; not only a brilliant musician - a concert pianist of some note - but also a composer of some repute; and practised law in Germany; and had been a member of the German Diplomatic Corps where he was supposed to have gone to Peking to represent his country but came to England instead.

It was thought that he had lived in the Wallasey Village area for about 30 years, spending the last 20 years as a recluse living in a corrugated-iron hut on the Wallasey Golf Club links, off Green Lane. He apparently had no relatives in England and his main source of income was a small allowance from Germany. This was barely enough to maintain him but some locals, feeling an affection for him, gave him money out of charity. Probably the only person he was in direct contact with was Samuel Howard, market gardener of Green Lane, Wallasey, at whose address Krueger used to receive any mail. He was in the habit of calling on the market gardener two or three times a week for fresh water.

When Wallasey Golf Club was founded and laid out in 1891, Krueger was already living on the site of the new course and his garden became an out of bounds for the 8th hole. This lasted until 1953 when the rule was abandoned.

On Monday 8th March at 8am, Charles Webster, who was working in a field near Krueger's hut and hadn't seen the hermit for some time, knocked at his door. Receiving no answer but seeing what he thought was a body lying on the floor, he called at the police station. PC Robert Gilpin, stationed at Wallasey, went with Webster and breaking down the door found the hermit in a kneeling position, dead. Very few people had seen inside the hut which was 15ft long, 6ft wide, 12ft high and partioned into three. There was an extensive library including classical subjects in Latin and Greek, and also music by Wagner, Mozart and Krueger himself. However, it was a total clutter.

Removing the body to the Poulton Reading Room in Limekiln Lane was a problem as they had to keep Krueger's five retriever dogs at bay. The corpse was in a very dirty condition and although there was no marks of violence, the Coroner stated that the skin on the left cheek and by the bridge of the nose had been gnawed by rats and that the deceased had suffered from a strangulated hernia and peritonitis, which was the cause of death. The deceased had been dead for three to four days.

Everyone talked about the hermit of Wallasey, who was described as being very hunched, a Bohemian type with a drooping moustache, but very few knew him. He was heard to say that he had no friends and wished to exist alone and all he desired was the right to pass his days in study and contemplation. Why did this highly educated and talented man abandon his cultured world for a country where he had no connections and live the life of a recluse? The Wallasey Villagers clubbed together to pay for a proper funeral, so that he would not have to be buried in a pauper's grave. Frederick Krueger's secret died with him in a small ramshackle hut in Wallasey.

Thursday, June 19, 2025

Books on hermits - reviews

 

"The Way of the Hermit: My Forty Years in the Scottish Wilderness; London: Pan Books,2023; The Way of the Hermit: My Incredible 40 Years in the Wilderness; Toronto: Hanover Square Press, 2024, by Ken Smith with Will Millard.

From the outset, Ken Smith (b. 1947) indicates that his motive for being a hermit is not religious or spiritual. Early factors include introversion, his working class origins, indifference to schooling. At 15 Smith quit school to work for the UK Forestry Commission; he enjoyed the solitary outdors in later job.

The decisive event was a harrowing incident in his late twenties living in native Derbyshire, when a gang of skinheads assaulted him to the point of near-fatal brain damage requiring four operations, two months of hospitalization and ten months without working. Recovered and re-entering society, Smith soon became disillusioned by the values and priorities of the world around him, concluding that "I knew I needed to escape that system and all its trappings, as quickly as I possibly could." He worked outdoors a while longer, scrimping and saving for his exit.

The first venue was travel to northwestern Canada and Alaska to experience wilderness living, in part inspired by reading Richard Proenneke (1916-2003), the American hermit and survivalist, author of One Man's Wilderness: An Alaska Odyssey (1973). Returning to the UK, Smith tramped about the country a while, staying in a series of bothies in northwestern Scotland, before resolving to live in a wildness cabin of his own. But Smith had no property. By chance he learned the name of the landowner of the largest estate in the Treig area, and petitioned him for some land for constructing a log cabin for himself.

Not only was Smith granted permission but he was even given employment as a ghillie, that is, a ”manservant” attending to the estate owner’s hunting and fishing expeditions and their guests —— plus oversight of all aspects of estate land maintenance. Smith readily accepted, soon constructing his log cabin by hand, and over the years perfected his survival skills: hunting, fishing, foraging, gardening, construction, wood-chopping —— and walking (the latter including walking twenty-five miles one way to a village shop for supplies).

The rest of the book describes the "way" of the hermit, or, perhaps, the way of the solitary-minded wilderness survivalist. The Way of the Hermit is chock-full of anecdotes, ruminations, insights, and practical wisdom, lived advice about wilderness, nature, winter survival, and lots of stories. Ken Smith is a modest, congenial, and reflective host to the reader, generously offering a unique and thoughtful memoir.

© 2025, Hermitary.com

Solitude: The Science and Power of Alone Time, by Netta Weinstein, Heather Hanson, and Thuy-vy T. Nguyen. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2024.

As the authors note from the outset of the book, the science of solitude is new but growing quickly, as attested within these pages. Evidence collected for this book reflects thousands of interviews, surveys, conversations and psychology lab sessions, with diverse groups of people by age, gender, ethnicity, and geography. From anecdotes to testimonials, the goal of the authors is to compile a grand picture of solitude and alone time habits and practices, turning these observations into insightful conclusions and helping establish a working sense of solitude for everyday people.

The presentation is congenial, conversational, informal, entertaining, and useful. Two of the authors (Weinstein and Nguyen) are academic psychologists, and one (Hanson) is a science journalist.

Chapter One quickly summarizes the history of eremitism and historical hermits distinct from solitude to focus more broadly for the est of the book on the concept of solitude as relevant to everyone else. (A few historical names — Pascal, Emerson, Thoreau — will recur in later chapters.) The premise of the book is -- as the title of Chapter Two indicates -- that “Everyday Solitude [is] for Everyday People.” In short, solitude offers a range of applications that can function within the needs of everyone.

Solitude is simply time alone, and how one chooses to be aware of solitude in daily life, or occasionally as disruption or curiosity can differ widely per individual. Scientists still do not define solitude broadly because solitude applies individually, and even varies within one person. But enough is known by psychology today to present vectors of solitude, or, rather, forms of solitude expression, as the authors do.

These solitudes are presented as four broad types: 1) complete solitude, or Buddha-style solitude, 2) private solitude, or down-to-earth-solitude, 3) companionate solitude, or partners-in-solitude, and 4) public solitude, or Alone in a Crowd. Thousands of interviews and research studies illustrate these wide applications, and the authors set out to document representative examples.

Solitude is distinct from involuntary aloneness, and is specifically not loneliness. Solitude is a natural condition of daily life’s ebb and flow, contrasting one moment to another individually, socially, collectively, or in conscious withdrawal, however long. A highlight of a conscious solitude is the benefit of autonomy, resilience, and a flow with nature.

To illustrate the benefits of solitude, the authors use the metaphor of a compass. Here the directional points are not geological or cultural but show the relations between what solitude does. So, north represents self-refection; south: rest, relaxation, and renewal; east: enrichment and creativity; west peak experiences and the good life. Thus we start with self, yielding a comfort zone, then moving to engaging with life and peaking with an internalization of the benefits of solitude. This parsing of sequential stages is essential for the average pursuant of solitude because it provides a psychologically healthy approach that builds on experience as much as psychological observation in the first place. Nothing need be rushed, skipped, or assumed. The auhors present a path or way, reflecting both science and historical wisdom.

Two chapter titles encourage beginners as well as seasoned practitioners. Chapter 9: "Can We Get Better at Being Alone?" and the final chapter, 10: "Solitude Across a Lifetime."

All this may sound familiar to readers comfortable with the subject of hermits and eremitism. But reading the many conversational snippets and anecdotes in this book will be pleasant confirmation that many average people are already attracted to the benefits of solitude and are waiting for a practical presentation and "how to." To further motivate readers, the authors even offer a helpful concluding “solitude checklist."

Take your solitude pulse.
Start small, stay mighty.
Adopt a thoughtful approach.
Create a framework.
Be curious.
Opt for a low-sensory environment.
Be open to experimentation.
Believe in belonging.
Practice “integrated emotion regulation."
Beware “sneaky infiltrators."
Plan for and protect periods of solitude.

This book is a delightful excursion, easy to read, easy to identify with the many sources the authors include, and a refreshingly positive invitation to incorporate solitude into daily life.

© 2025, Hermitary.com

Monday, February 3, 2025

Contemporary Men Hermits Around The World

 

Historical hermits have often reflected a religious motive, as have modern counterparts. Here are six religious men hermits, followed by non-religious.

Benedictine monk and hermit Dunstan Morrissey (1923–2009) founded Sky Farm Hermitage in 1977, in Sonoma, California. Sky Farm served as his dwelling, adding several cottages for retreatants over the years. After his death, two hermits have managed Sky Farm and continue to offer retreats.

Richard Withers (b. 1955) is a canonical hermit living modestly in a poor Philadelphia neighborhood. He adheres to a religious schedule but also engages in social and charitable work in his neighborhood.

Priest and hermit Charles Brandt (1923–2020) resided within old–growth forest on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, in Canada. Once an ornithologist, Trappist monk, and active book conservator, Brandt remained an avid photographer and naturalist, offering meditation retreats at his cabin. He is author of Meditations From The Wilderness: A Collection of Profound Writing on Nature as the Source of Inspiration (1997).

Daniel Bourguet (b. 1946) is a French Protestant hermit of the Reform sect, a former pastor and university professor, author of over two dozen books on Christian topics, none particular to eremitism. When studying as a youth, Bourguet felt a desire for solitude, discovering that his superiors approved of his aspiration. He spent time at a Trappist monastery and Dominican community before undertaking solitude at his own hermitage in a wooded area of Cevennes, southern France.

Bourguet lives in a single–room log cabin completely off grid, including the absence of media, yet like a starets, visitors seeking his counsel are numerous and regular. Bourguet has served as prior of the Order of Watchers, a virtual network of spiritually–minded hermits.

Maxime Qavtaradze (b. 1954) can be counted a modern stylite. The Georgian Orthodox priest lived alone atop Katskhi pillar, in a cottage adjacent to a chapel, 130 feet high (forty meters), from 1993 to 2015. Maxime would lift by pulley supplies prepared by fellow monks, though he descended the pillar twice a week. The pillar and chapel date from the tenth century; accessing the top of the pillar was forbidden by Patriarch Ilia II to preserve the site.

Norman Davies is a Jewish contemplative living in Malaga (Spain) as a hermit. He describes his daily life as “the practice of a dedicated and intentional prayerful lifestyle akin to solitary monasticism or eremitism. This is decided rarety in Jewish history and in twenty–first century Jewish practice it is virtually non–existent.” Davies, a former music teacher in the UK, cites Philo of Alexandria and the Essenes as ancient models, acknowledging the influence of his pre–conversion life as a Carmelite monk.

Motives among solitaries may converge around creativity, as Anthony Storr noted in his book Solitude: A Return to the Self. Two examples of creative hermits are Valerio Ricetti (1898–1952) and Manfred Gnädinger (1936-2002).


Ricetti, an Italian immigrant to Australia, arrived as an adolescent. He found work on steamboats. One day chancing upon a series of caves he decided to dwell in one. Over time he enhanced the caves via galleries into adjoining rock to create finished masonry passages and rooms, adding a water well, ample gardens, and wall iconography. Ricetti lived like a hermit. Injured one day, he was discovered by a passer–by, taken to hospital, and his dwelling–place revealed. Visitors praised his creation and he discovered the Italian community around Griffith, New South Wales, where he lived. Ricetti was interned with other Italians during World War II, put on road maintenance crews, where he shared his building skills, and returned to dwell in his cave after the war. In 1952, beset by mental illness, Ricetti returned to Italy, where he died shortly afterwards. The cave is today called “Hermit’s Cave,” maintained on the provincial registry for historic architecture.


Born in Germany, Manfred Gnädinger settled in Camelle on the coast of Galicia (Spain) in his twenties. He took up residence in a seaside hut, sculpting rock and driftwood in Gaudi–like configurations, dubbing the coast that displayed his works his museum. Man, as he was called, tall, long-bearded, and gaunt, lived a simple hermit life, with a small garden and neither electricity nor running water. He sculpted scores of figures and filled hundreds of notebooks with thousands of artistic sketches. Thirty years later, a horrific oil spill from the off–shore British tanker ship Prestige destroyed all of his work, bringing down all the sculptures and coating the beach and shoreline past his hut in thick black oil. Man was distraught. He died a month later. His “museum” has since been partially recovered by the village and preserved in commemoration of the hermit–artist.

If not creativity or overt belief, other contemporary hermit men are motivated by a personal response to the world.

Scottish–born Jake Williams has been a sailor, musician, handyman, and hermit. Williams lives in the Scottish Highlands, in the middle of a forest, where he contrives everything from tools to gardens using found objects recovered during expeditions to distant urban areas. He is the subject of the 2011 documentary film Two Years at Sea and continued media attention.

Sometimes the lure of escape overcomes the potential hermit, as in the example of Masafumi Nagasaki (b. 1936), who once worked in a factory in Osaka, Japan, dreaming of living on a deserted island. One day in 1989 he left civilization behind to live alone on the deserted Japanese island of Sotobanari (Okinawa Prefecture). He lived without electricity, water (except rainfall), animal food—or clothing, given that no one ever visited the deserted island.

Nagasaki is the subject of several news reports and films, wherein he would insist he wanted to live out his life on the island. But in 2018, a passing boater noticed him and notified authorities. Nagasaki was involuntarily removed from the island, placed in public housing, and refused permission to return to the island.

Italian–born Pietro Lentini sought to escape years of dissipation, becom-ing a hermit in the Umbrian region of the Apennines, on Mt. Aspra, in Valnerina. He found a ruined dwelling, furbished it—acquaintances later helping in the task— and lives there in silence and solitude, lacking running water and electricity, now with a solar-charged mobile phone gifted to him for emergencies. Occasionally Lentini descends to the town for provisions. He pursues a makeshift Christianity of his own crafting and frequently plays a worn flute. Lentini is seventy years old.

Since 1965, Chilean–born Faustino Barrientos lives alone on the shores of Lake O’Higgins in Patagonia, southernmost Chile. His dwelling is the remnant of a boat cabin. He lives from herds, livestock, and supplies from a boat that passes every ten days. He has no electricity, but uses battery–powered short wave and ham radios. Barrientos visits the nearest town every few years, riding by horse the twenty–five miles over mountains to exchange his animals for food and batteries. The inhabitants think he is crazy. He expresses no spiritual or other motive for his hermit lifestyle.

In 2001, Canadian researcher Robert Kull journeyed to a tiny deserted island in southern Chile to begin a year–long experiment in solitude wilderness. Kull had recently earned degrees in biology and psychology, and was scheduled to pursue a fellowship in behavioral studies in British Columbia, specifically interested in the effects of deep wilderness solitude. He convinced his doctoral faculty to accept his project, assembled food, clothes, supplies, and tools, and embarked. While pursuing observations and notes, Kull developed a routine of meditation; in his last months on the island, he quit reading and writing to concentrate on meditation, listening, stillness, and observation. Kull attributes the gradual realization that the self and all of nature is sufficient and sacred to the simplification undergone by the self–sufficiency and solitude he was able to experience. Kull recounts his year in his book Solitude: Seeking Wisdom In Extremes (2008).

Neil Ansell lived alone in Penlan Cottage in the rural isolation of Wales for five years, without car, phone, clock, or fossil fuel. In 2011, Ansell published a book on his solitude years, Deep Country: Five Years in the Welsh Hills, imminently observant while self–effacing about his routines and the wild creatures that shared his forest. Ansell observed birds, grew food, and foraged. The silence outside reflected a growing silence within. Interior monologue quieted to a whisper, then fading away entirely. While he had not practiced meditation beforehand, Ansell notes that he came to under-stand the Buddhist concept of no–mind. The self becomes as much a part of the landscape as a stone. Ansell’s five years were cut short by a virus he contracted, perhaps carried by bats or mice.

David Glasheen (b. 1943) enjoyed an elite and privileged life as a mil-lionaire stock broker in Australia until the 1987 stock market crash wiped out his wealth. Glasheen decided to quit society, eventually moving to deserted Restoration Island, where he learned to fish, cook, and survive with a poor solar–powered internet connection and an annual boat trip to buy supplies. He was frequently visited by journalists and old acquaintances; his wife divorced him as soon as he fell into poverty. Seventy–seven year old Glasheen has published a memoir titled Millionaire Castaway celebrating over twenty years of solitary life.

Since 1989, Mauro Morandi (b. 1939) has lived alone on the Italian island of Budelli, near Sardinia, a national park. Morandi has assembled solar panels, collects rainwater, makes furniture out of driftwood, and takes photographs of the island, enough to fill a book. Morandi gives occasional interviews, displaying a confident and relaxed perspective on solitude and self–sufficiency. A gentle skeptic, he nevertheless keeps up with family, acquaintances, and the world via mobile phone and social media. Pressured by national park authorities, Morandi quit the island April 2021.

Many other men have pursued a hermit life, in a variety of places around the world: British–born Brendon Grimshaw (1925–2012) moved to an island of Seychelles, East Africa. Pedro Luca (b. 1937) has lived in a cave in Argentina for the last forty years. New Zealander Tom Neale (1902–1977) spent sixteen years alone on a South Pacific island, more a survivalist than hermit. “Pete” has lived in a cave off the Kaikoura coast of New Zealand for over thirty years.

Russia counts many hermits beside the media–famous Agafia Lykova. For reasons suggesting a criminal past, “Viktor” moved to Siberia sixteen years ago to live in solitude, while Nikolai Gromov (b. 1947) presents the strange case of having left to the Siberian taiga in fear and remorse that he had slain his wife in a pique of drunkenness. Twenty–four years later, Gromov returned to his old dwelling. His wife had not been killed after all, but had died in an accident during Gromov’s self–exile. Gromov remains alone with the burden of his history.

Some apparent or aspiring hermits reveal pathological motives. Carlos Sanchez Ortiz, a young medical doctor, disappeared from his home in Spain, to be found twenty years later in a Tuscany forest in Italy. Mushroom pickers who crossed his path passed information on to a European missing persons organization. His family was contacted, describing then twenty–six year old Carlos as severely depressed. They prepared to visit him, if only for a short meeting, but the forest hermit had disappeared again.

A similar motive may have impelled Filipino Mang Emigdio. He took off suddenly, abandoning wife and children, when a typhoon destroyed their home in 1987. Emigdio was found living in a mountain cave, refusing to leave, his pitying family and villagers helping him eke out a solitary life with regular visits.

Wilderness solitude is not equated to survivalism by hermits. The case of Chris McCandless (1968–1992) remains perplexing and elusive. McCandless may have grown up suffering childhood trauma, but its effect was, typically, unnoticeable to others. He expressed an enthusiasm for nature, outdoors, and wilderness when young, also demonstrating a strong empathy for homeless people with whom he sometimes mingled in Washington, D.C., offering them food, clothing, and comfort, in the shadow of the comfort-able suburban home where he grew up with his parents. Over the years, his favorite reading was Tolstoy and Thoreau.

Upon college graduation, McCandless announced to family and friends a planned road trip. He had just given away his savings of $24,000 to charity, and disappeared, traversing the United States to end up in Alaskan wilderness. McCandless was intent upon plunging into wilderness survival, though he carried no food or gear, nor had acquired survival skills, only an expanded idealism. At first he attended to an evocative journal paralleling Thoreau’s, but the late entries change tone. His successes had waned in just four months. He foresaw a fast–approaching fate.

As McCandless biographer Jon Krakauer notes, McCandless had a copy of Louis L’Amour’s memoir Education of a Wandering Man, a page quoting from Robinson Jeffers’s poem “Wise Men in Their Bad Hours”:

Death’s a fierce meadowlark: but to die having made

Something more equal to the centuries

Than muscle and bone, is mostly to shed weakness.

On the other side of the page, which was blank, McCandless penned a brief farewell: “I have had a happy life and thank the Lord. Goodbye and may God bless all!” McCandless died from starvation or food poisoning, at the age of twenty–four.

The case of Christopher Knight (b. 1965) is described in Michael Finkel’s 2017 book The Stranger in the Woods: The Extraordinary Story of the Last True Hermit. Knight spent twenty–seven years in a wooded camp in Maine close to tourist and visitor cabins, from which Knight stole food and provisions with great deftness. The biographer’s dogged interviews and identification of details reveal Knight to be a classic recluse (versus hermit). Knight was eventually caught, publicly rued his thievery, and has slipped into obscurity.

The Book of hermits: the history of hermits from antiquity to the present / Robert Rodriguez


Friday, October 25, 2024

Alexander Grothenieck


The Guardian profiles Alexander Grothenieck (1928-2014). Article title: “He was in mystic delirium – was this hermit mathematician a forgotten genius whose ideas cound transform AI – or a lonely madman?” Byline: “In isolation, Alexander Grothendieck seemed to have lost touch with reality, but some say his metaphysical theories could contain wonders.”

“Born in 1928, he arrived in France from Germany as a refugee in 1939, and went on to revolutionise postwar mathematics as Einstein had physics a generation earlier. Moving beyond distinct disciplines such as geometry, algebra and topology, he worked in pursuit of a deeper, universal language to unify them all. At the heart of his work was a new conception of space, liberating it from the Euclidean tyranny of fixed points and bringing it into the 20th-century universe of relativity and probability. The flood of concepts and tools he introduced in the 1950s and 60s awed his peers.”

Then, in 1970, he quit his prestigious univesity position to drift amopng minor posts until 1990, when he disappeared into solitude altogether, living near a Pyranees village, without radio or telephone, seeing no one, scribbling thusands of pages of manuscripts about philosophy, mathematics, the secrets of plants, and speculations the universe. The notes have been assembled into a book: Harvests and Sowings.

URL: https://www.theguardian.com/science/article/2024/aug/31/alexander-grothendieck-huawei-ai-artificial-intelligence"

https://www.hermitary.com/

Sunday, July 16, 2023

Hermits and the New Monasticism A Study of Religious Communities in Western Europe 1000–1150 by Henrietta Leyser - introduction

 


the whole world a hermitage Damian, Vita Romualdi

TALKING about hermits provokes mirth; if you do not believe this, try working on hermits and keeping a goat. Like goats, hermits are usually seen as wayward and smelly -just occasionally as romantic but definitely as fringe creatures and in some sense failures, ekeing out their existence on some unpromising patch of scrub. To quote a recent review in the Times Literary Supplement 'the hermit's life, like chicken farming seems to have provided one of the refuges for the human wreckage caused by the first world war'. 1 The perspective of the middle ages was different. Hermits were to be found on the very highest rung of the ladder of perfection. Abbots, kings and emperors would seek their advice. Because it was so exacting a life only those of proven calibre were encouraged to take it up.

The eleventh and twelfth centuries saw a dramatic change: 'it seemed as if the whole world would be turned into a hermitage'. 2 Hermits were everywhere, on every rostrum. They came from all walks of life. Robbers gave up their lives of pillage to become hermits; monks left their communities and masters their schools. Why was this so? First of all, as we shall see, there is a semantic problem. Much confusion could have been avoided if these new hermits of the eleventh and twelfth centuries had presumed to call themselves 'holy men'. Hermits, traditionally, withdraw in ones or twos from the world:

Living a sane and gentle life in a forest nook or a hill pocket Perpetuating their kind and their kindness, keeping Their hands clean and their eyes keen, at one with Themselves, each other and nature.3

They are not expected to try to reform the world, to become wandering preachers, to take upon themselves the care of lepers, prostitutes, the sick and the poor, to proclaim by word and deed that most existing ecclesiastical institutions were at worst rotten, at best inadequate. But this is what the new hermits of the eleventh and twelfth centuries did and throughout Europe they founded communities where they could, in their sense, live perfectly.

Everyone can recognise, in parlour-game terms, 'what the consequence was'. Cluniac monasteries were now challenged by communities proclaiming quite different values and observances.

Monastic historians following Ordericus Vitalis have described how 'monasteries are founded everywhere ... observing new rites ... the swarm of cow led monks spreads all over the world'. 4 In the unforgettable words of David Knowles 'the single traditional version of the monastic life [was split] into twenty different divisions, as it were the colours of the spectrum'. 5 Bitter arguments broke out as to which way of life was best, whose profession the most authentic.

The end of the story, in a sense, came with the pronouncement of the Lateran Council of 1215 forbidding any further new orders, but it is with the beginnings of these developments that we are concerned here. For in most accounts there is a hiatus, a passing over of the crucial years between the first meeting of any hermits (in a forest or a 'desert', clad in scruffy clothes) and the founding of their communities. The improbability that such a meeting of 'marginal' and traditionally solitary figures could lead to such momentous, central monastic changes is felt to be so great, even ludicrous, that barely any attempt has been made to spell out what 'he said to him', or, as was sometimes the case 'to her'. There is, in short, a failure to connect. Hermits and monks are still kept in separate, quite artificial compartments. They are even seen as diametrical figures. Here is a recent example. Brenda Bolton, following Christopher Brooke, writes: 'the hermit life was revived in a world in which its opposite, the communal mode of life, flourished as never before'. 6 For both writers it is the Carthusians who seem to span the poles: but for the eleventh and twelfth centuries this contrast between the eremitical and the communal life is false. Certainly, as we shall see, there were still solitaries - these I have called 'traditional hermits' -but there were also 'new hermits' for whom solitude had an entirely different meaning. These hermits were the parents of the new orders, of the Cistercians just as much as of the Carthusians, of the Vallombrosans and the Premonstratensians, just as much as of the more isolated Camaldolensians. They saw themselves as hermits and the Lives and Rules of their communities describe the ways in which they chose to live 'eremitically'. A hermit was no longer a solitary figure in a hut or cave; he belonged, in every sense of the word, to a group of pioneers, to 'Ie takeoff7 of the twelfth century. Ordericus knew this too. In the course of describing the peace Henry I had brought to England he continues: 'hermits can add their testimony, for they cut down dense woods and now give praise in the high-roofed monasteries and spiritual palaces built there chanting glory to God with peace of mind where formerly robbers and outlaws used to hide to perform their evil deeds'. 8

How the hermits became monks and canons will be considered later; the fundamental question must be 'Why?' According to one school of thought it was because they had no choice: hermits were utopians, utopians never survive, sooner or later they have to face either extermination or assimilation. Another closely related argument is this: the hermits were led at first by men of great charisma, but because of the huge size of their followings charisma was replaced by institutions. The hermits adopted rules and orders because they had to, but this transition was also an act of treason. By becoming monks and canons the hermits were admitting to compromise and failure.

There can be no doubt that there are details in these arguments which must be accepted. At first, the hermits did obey leaders, not rules. Then, 'small is beautiful' -for any community success creates problems. Here, as an example, is the weary lament of a twelfth-century prior whose house had once contained only seven brethren: 'the number of the religious grows, and at the same time trouble increases; being a large number they need many goods, and many goods not only cause discord between religious and seculars, but also among religious themselves .... what was before given freely, must now be bought, and the property that was peacefully owned can now scarcely be kept without a lawsuit'. 9 It is clear that the hermits themselves were often far from pleased with the outcome of their ventures; they might even leave their first foundations and try again. But the point that must be made is this: the unwieldly size of many hermitages caused problems, but not rules. Rules to the hermits were not a sign of failure, but 'structures for .... piety',10 the embodiment of their ideals.

The renaissance of the twelfth century was (among other things) a search for new forms. Giles Constable has shown how its vocabulary reflects this preoccupation: recreate, remake, restore, repair, regenerate, reflower, rekindle, revive, resuscitate, these are only some of the words that continually occur. 'Behold matter', wrote Bernard Silvester, 'the oldest thing [in creation], wishes to be born again and in this new beginning to be encompassed in forms.'11 By the end of the century, according to Constable, there had been a shift from 'what may be called a backward-looking to a forward-looking ideology of reform'12 The 'forward-looking' ideology will lead to apocalyptic schools of thought, the 'backward-looking' school takes us straight to the hermits. It was their yearning for models from Scripture and the early Fathers which shaped and moulded their lives, which gave urgency to their search for rules. 

The cry for a return to the perfection of earlier norms can be heard persistently from the time of Romuald's wanderings in Spain and Italy through to the heyday of Cistercianism: 'to put all in brief no perfection expressed in the words of the Gospel, or of the apostles, or in the writings of the Fathers, or in the saying of the monks of old is wanting to our order and our way of life'. 13 The Cistercians' rule must be the most thumbed of all the statutes to which the hermit-movement gave birth. The organisation it set up has been described by Richard Southern as 'a masterpiece of medieval planning', successful, partly, because of its attention to detail; 'pigs', for example, 'though they wander by day must return to the styes at night'. 14 One is reminded of the similar efficiency shown by William I in the compiling of Domesday: 'there was not. ... -it is shameful to record it, but it did not seem shameful for him to do it -not even one ox, nor one cow, nor one pig which escaped notice in his survey'. 15 This is not fortuitous. One of the characteristics of the eleventh and twelfth centuries was this new respect for the written word, for the value of legal precision and codification; the great achievement of the hermits and their followers was the ability to combine this legalism, this concern with outward forms, with an equally intense scrutiny of inner feeling.

The search for new forms of monasticism is always, as M. Seguy has said, the search for a new society. This is no place -to examine the fundamental changes, social and economic, of twelfth-century Europe. On the other hand it was precisely these developments which dictated the pace and direction of the spiritual 'renewing of structures'.16 It was economic expansion and social change which made the hermit movement both possible and necessary.

From the mid-eleventh century Europe was free from external attack. The pagan invaders of the tenth century had in turn been repelled and converted. But the relative peace that was to follow brought its own turmoil, more devastating, more irreparable, than the sporadic acts of pillage. The tenth century had known a certain grim security. Communities were small, self-contained, purposeful. What mattered was survival, either in this world or the next, but this was a struggle that was shared and reliably supported on many levels, by the company of saints and kinsmen and of monks at prayer. The eleventh century brought changes which shattered this pattern of existence. They have been much discussed: the great increase in population, improved agricultural techniques, rural dislocation, the growth of towns and the schools and, above all, the spread of a money economy:

Money! He's the whole world's master
His the voice that makes men run:
Speak! Be quiet! Slower! Faster!
Money orders -and it's done. 17

The hermit movement has sometimes been seen as a simple turning away from these new developments, as a 'rejection of both the new cities and the old monasteries'. 18 Certainly it is true that the hermits hated both cities and money, conversely that they wanted to live as poor men in the 'desert'. But the movement should not be seen in this purely negative fashion. The 'desert' was not a sandy place where the hermits could bury their heads; they went there, as had their Lord, to 'find themselves', to consider how to meet the new challenge, how to find a form of living that would be appropriate, as Cluniac monasticism no longer was, to their circumstances and their aspirations.

The desert, as Isaiah had seen it, was 'the place of future renewal': 'the desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose, It shall blossom abundantly and rejoice even with joy and singing' (Isaiah xxxv, 1-2). Gregorian reform, according to Janet Nelson: '[by] involving a new degree of religious differentiation within the wider social system, and a revaluation of religious commitments for all adherents was the answer to newly-felt demands' .19 In support, she cites Anselm and Damian. Anselm, as we know from his Life, seriously considered becoming a hermit, Peter Damian was the great propagator of the movement. This is no coincidence. There can be no doubt that it was above all the hermits in the eleventh and twelfth centuries who were asking not just for themselves but for all Western Christendom, 'what good must I do to win eternal life?' For too long the answers of key figures have dominated historical thinking: the answers, however controversial, of Gregory VII himself, of St Bernard, of Abelard. It is time to see what answers the hermits gave and how deeply their response permeates all the new religious structures of the eleventh and twelfth century. But first we must look at the traditional background from which the hermits stepped.

l. Richard Cobb, Times Literary Supplement, 25 December 1981, p. 1483.
2. Peter Damian, Vita Romualdi, G. Tabacco (ed.), Fonti per la stona d'Itaiza, XCIV (Rome, 1957), Ch. 37, p. 78.
3. Louis MacNeice, The Dark Tower (London, 1964), p. 35.
4. Ordericus Vitalis, Histona Eccleslastica, M. Chibnall (ed.), Nelson's Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1973), Bk. VIII, Ch. 26, p. 310.
5. D. Knowles, From Pachomius to Ignatius, A Study in the Constitutional History of the Religious Orders (Oxford, 1966), p. 16.
6. Brenda Bolton, The Medieval Reformation, Foundations in Medieval History (London, 1983), p. 36. Cf. C. Brooke, The Monastic World (London, 1974), p. 80.
7. The phrase is Le Goff's, cited in P. Brown, 'Society and the Supernatural: A Medieval Change', Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity, (London, 1982), p. 302, n. 1.
8. Ordericus Vitalis, Bk. X, pp. 295-6.
9. H. Peltier, 'Hugues de Fouilloy chanoine regulier, prieur de Saint-Laurent-au-Bois', Revue du moyen age latin, II (1946), 32.
10. Caroline Walker Bynum, 'Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual?', Journal of EccleSiastical History, XXXI (1980), 16.
11. Cited by Gerhart B. Ladner, 'Terms and Ideas of Renewal', Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, R. Benson and Giles Constable (eds) (Oxford, 1982), p.6.
12. Giles Constable, 'Renewal and Reform in Religious Life', Renaissance and Renewal, pp. 38-9.
13. Ailred of Rievaulx, cited in D. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, 943-1216 (Cambridge, 1949), p. 221.
14. R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, Pelican History of the Church, 2 (Harmondsworth, 1970), pp. 255-6.
15. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 1085, G. N. Garmonsway (ed.), Everyman edn (London, 1953), p. 216.
16. G. Duby, La Vita commune del clero nei secoli XI e XII, Miscellanea del Centro di studi medioevali III (1962), p. 73.
17. Cited in A. Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1978), p. 73.
18. Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (London, 1978), p. 70.
19. Janet Nelson, 'Society, Theodicy and the origins of Heresy', SCH, IX (1972),73.

from the book Hermits and the New Monasticism A Study of Religious Communities in Western Europe 1000–1150 by Henrietta Leyser