To be is to be contingent: nothing of which it can be said that "it is" can be alone and independent. But being is a member of paticca-samuppada as arising which contains ignorance. Being is only invertible by ignorance.

Destruction of ignorance destroys the illusion of being. When ignorance is no more, than consciousness no longer can attribute being (pahoti) at all. But that is not all for when consciousness is predicated of one who has no ignorance than it is no more indicatable (as it was indicated in M Sutta 22)

Nanamoli Thera
Showing posts with label race. Show all posts
Showing posts with label race. Show all posts

Monday, August 18, 2025

The Slave Trade in the Congo Basin

 

Contents

WITH STANLEY

NATIVE LIFE

THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY

THE VILLAGE CHIEFS

MODES OF TORTURE

HOW THE NATIVES ARE ENSLAVED

IN THE SLAVE SHED

CANNIBALISM

LOCAL SLAVE-MARKETS

IN THE FAR INTERIOR

SOME BARBAROUS CUSTOMS

SUPPRESSION OF SLAVERY

EFFECT OF LIBERATION
WITH STANLEY

The heart of Africa is being rapidly depopulated in consequence of the enormous death-roll caused by the barbarous slave-trade. It is not merely the bondage which slavery implies that should appeal to the sympathies of the civilized world; it is the bloodshed, cruelty, and misery which it involves.

During my residence in Central Africa I was repeatedly traveling about in the villages along the Congo River and its almost unknown affluents, and in every new village I was confronted by fresh evidences of the horrible nature of this evil. I did not seek to witness the sufferings attendant upon this traffic in humanity, but cruelties of all kinds are so general that the mere passing visits which I paid brought me in constant contact with them.

It is not alone by the Arabs that slave-raiding is carried on throughout Central Africa. With respect to slavery in the Congo Free State, the western limit of the slave-raiding operations of the Arabs is the Aruwhimi River, just below Stanley Falls, but intertribal slavery exists from this point throughout the State to the Atlantic Ocean. During my six years’ residence on the Congo River I saw but little of the Arabs, and therefore in this article I am detailing only my experiences bearing upon the subject of slavery among the natives themselves.

I first went to the Congo in 1883, and traveled without delay into the interior. Arriving at Stanley Pool, I received orders from my chief, Mr. Henry M. Stanley, to accompany him up river on his little boat the En Avant. Stanley at that time was engaged in establishing a few posts at important and strategic points along the upper river. Lukolela, eight hundred miles in the interior, was one decided upon, and I had the honor of being selected by him as chief of this post. As no white man had ever lived there before, I had a great deal of work in establishing myself. The position selected for our settlement was a dense forest, and until now it had been more familiar with the trumpeting of elephants and the cry of the leopard than with human beings. At first the natives rather objected to my remaining at all, and stated their objections to Stanley. Said they:

“We have promised to allow you to put a white man here, but we have been talking the matter over, and we have concluded it would be better to put your white man somewhere else. We, the assembled chiefs, have held a council, and have come to the conclusion that it is not desirable to have such a terrible creature in the district.”

Stanley said:

“Why, what is there in him that you object to? You have never seen him.”

(I had not yet landed, being at that time very sick and unable to leave the boat.)

They said:

“No, we have not seen him, but we have heard about him.”

Stanley then said:

“What have you heard about him?”

They replied:

“He is half a lion, and half a buffalo; has one eye in the middle of his forehead, and is armed with sharp, jagged teeth; and is continually slaughtering and devouring human beings. Is this so?”

Stanley answered them,

“I did not know that he was such a terrible creature; but I will call him, and let you judge for yourselves.”

Upon my appearing this illusion was immediately dispelled, as, after suffering several days from an acute sickness, I really did not look very formidable or bloodthirsty.

Here I lived for twenty months, the only white man, so that I had every opportunity of studying native character and customs.

NATIVE LIFE

In order to place before the reader a picture of savage life untouched by civilization, I could hardly do better than lightly sketch a typical village at Lukolela as I have intimately known it. The whole district contains about three thousand people, the land occupied by them extending along the bank for two miles, the villages being dotted through this distance in clusters of fifty or sixty houses. The houses are built on each side of one long street or in open squares. They are roofed with either palm leaves or grass, the walls being composed of split bamboo. Some of these dwellings contain two or three compartments, with only one entrance; while others are long structures, divided up into ten or twelve rooms, each with its own entrance from the outside. At the back of these dwellings are large plantations of banana trees; while above them tower the stately palm trees, covering street and hut with their friendly shade.

It is in the cool of the early morning that the greater part of the business of the village is transacted. Most of the women repair, soon after six, to their plantations, where they work until noon, a few of them remaining in the village to attend to culinary and other domestic matters. Large earthen pots, containing fish, banana, or manioc, are boiling over wood fires, around which cluster the young boys and girls and the few old men and women enjoying the heat until the warm rays of the morning sun appear. Meanwhile the fishermen gather up their traps, arm themselves, and paddle off to their fishing grounds; the hunters take their spears or bows and arrows and start off to pick up tracks of their game; the village blacksmith starts his fire; the adze of the carpenter is heard busily at work; fishing and game nets are unrolled and damages examined; and the medicine man is busy gesticulating with his charms. As the sun rises the scene becomes more and more animated; the warmth of the fire is discarded, and every department of industry becomes full of life — the whole scene rendered cheerful by the happy faces and merry laughter of the little ones as they scamper here and there engaged in their games.

At noon the overpowering heat of the tropical sun compels a cessation of work, and a lazy quietude prevails everywhere. Then all the shady nooks of the village are filled with groups who either sleep, engage in conversation, or pass their time in hairdressing or in attending to some other toilet matter which native etiquette demands, such as shaving off eyebrows or pulling out eyelashes — an operation which is also extended to all hairs on the face except those on the chin, which are plaited in the form of a rat’s tail. The closer the finger nails are cut, the more fashionable is it thought. At the finger ends the nails are cut down to the quick, and any one posing as either beau or belle always has some of the finger and toe nails pared entirely off.

The midday meal is now eaten, the whole village assuming an air of calmness, broken only by the occasional bursts of boisterous mirth from groups engaged in discussing the merits of the native wine.

All mankind have the same weakness in requiring at times drink stronger than water. Nature has provided the African with the juice of the palm tree, a most palatable beverage, resembling when fresh a very strong lemon soda, but intoxicating in its effects. It is obtained in the following way: the villagers in charge of this particular industry  climb the tree, trim away some of the leaves, and then bore three or four holes, about half an inch in diameter, at the base of the frond, to the heart of the tree. From each of these holes will flow each day about half a pint of juice, a small gourd being first placed to receive it. The contents of these gourds are collected every morning. This beverage is called by the natives malafu, and is well known to all European travelers as palm wine.

Between three and four o’clock the village again resumes its air of activity, which is kept up until sundown. In this region, being close to the equator, the sun sets at six o’clock. All tools are put away, and work is suspended. The fires are again lighted, mats are brought out and spread about, and the principal meal of the day is eaten; after which the natives gather around the fire again and talk over the events of the day and the plans for the future. The young people repair to the open places and indulge in their native dances until midnight.

This dancing at night is a sight to be remembered. The performers arrange themselves in circles and dance in time to the beating of the drums, which is their only accompaniment, and occasionally break out into native songs. The surrounding tropical scenery stands outlined in bold relief, the nearer trees occasionally catching the lurid light of the fires, which also strikes on the gleaming bodies of the dancers, making a violent contrast of light and shade, the whole scene being rendered impressive by the wild but harmonious music.

At midnight, when all the villagers have retired to their huts, stillness reigns, broken only at times by the weird call of a strange bird, the cry of a prowling leopard or some other wild animal, and the varied sounds of tropical insects.

THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY

This is a fair picture of the life carried on from day to day in a hundred Congo villages, and but for the existence of slavery it would continue undisturbed from one year’s end to another. It is the presence of the slave in the village that brutalizes the otherwise harmless and peaceful community. It is the baneful influence that gives one man the power of life and death over the wretch he has purchased that impels the savage instinct to spill in executions and ceremonies the life-blood of the man, woman, or child he has obtained — perhaps in exchange for a few brass rods or two or three yards of Manchester cloth. Here at Lukolela, for instance, I had hardly settled down in my encampment when I was introduced to one of those horrible scenes of bloodshed which take place frequently in all the villages along the Congo, and which will be enacted so long as the life of a slave is counted as naught, and the spilling of his blood of as little account as that of a goat or a fowl.

In this particular instance the mother of a chief having died, it was decided, as usual, to celebrate the event with an execution. At the earliest streak of dawn the slow, measured beat of a big drum announces to all what is to take place, and warns the poor slave who is to be the victim that his end is nigh. It is very evident that something unusual is about to happen, and that the day is to be given up to some ceremony. The natives gather in groups and begin studiously to arrange their toilets, don their gayest loin-cloths, and ornament their legs and arms with bright metal bangles, all the time indulging in wild gesticulations and savage laughter as they discuss the coming event. Having taken a hasty meal, they produce from their houses all available musical instruments. The drums are wildly beaten as groups of men, women, and children form themselves in circles and excitedly perform dances, consisting of violent contortions of the limbs, accompanied with savage singing and with repeated blasts of the war horns, each dancer trying to outdo his fellow in violence of movement and strength of lung.

About noon, from sheer exhaustion, combined with the heat of the sun, they are compelled to cease; when large jars of palm wine are produced, and a general bout of intoxication begins, increasing their excitement and showing up their savage nature in striking colors. The poor slave, who all this time has been lying in the corner of some hut, shackled hand and foot and closely watched, suffering the agony and suspense which this wild tumult suggests to him, is now carried to some prominent part of the village, there to be surrounded and to receive the jeers and scoffs of the drunken mob of savages. The executioner’s assistants, having selected a suitable place for the ceremony, procure a block of wood about a foot square. The slave is then placed on this, in a sitting posture; his legs are stretched out straight in front of him; the body is strapped to a stake reaching up the back to the shoulders. On each side stakes are placed under the armpits as props, to which the arms are firmly bound; other lashings are made to posts driven into the ground near the ankles and knees.

A pole is now planted about ten feet in front of the victim, from the top of which is suspended, by a number of strings a bamboo ring. The pole is bent over like a fishing-rod, and the ring fastened round the slave’s neck, which is kept rigid and stiff by the tension. During this preparation the dances are resumed, now rendered savage and brutal in the extreme by the drunken condition of the people. One group of dancers surround the victim and indulge in drunken mimicry of the contortions of face which the pain caused by this cruel torture forces him to show. But he has no sympathy to expect from this merciless horde.

Presently in the distance approaches a company of two lines of young people, each holding a stem of the palm tree, so that an arch is formed between them, under which the executioner is escorted. The whole procession moves with a slow but dancing gait. Upon arriving near the doomed slave all dancing, singing, and drumming cease, and the drunken mob take their places to witness the last act of the drama.

An unearthly silence succeeds. The executioner wears a cap composed of black cocks’ feathers; his face and neck are blackened with charcoal, except the eyes, the lids of which are painted with white chalk. The hands and arms to the elbow, and feet and legs to the knee, are also blackened. His legs are adorned profusely with broad metal anklets, and around his waist are strung wild-cat skins. As he performs a wild dance around his victim, every now and then making a feint with his knife, a murmur of admiration arises from the assembled crowd. He then approaches and makes a thin chalk mark on the neck of the fated man. After two or three passes of his knife to get the right swing, he delivers the fatal blow, and with one stroke of his keen-edged weapon severs the head from the body.

The sight of blood brings to a climax the frenzy of the natives: some of them savagely puncture the quivering trunk with their spears, others hack at it with their knives, while the remainder engage in a ghastly struggle for the possession of the head, which has been jerked into the air by the released tension of the sapling. As each man obtains the trophy, and is pursued by the drunken rabble, the hideous tumult becomes deafening; they smear one another’s faces with blood, and fights always spring up as a result, when knives and spears are freely used. The reason for their anxiety to possess the head is this: the man who can retain that head against all comers until sundown will receive a present for his bravery from the head man of the village. It is by such means that they test the brave of the village, and they will say with admiration, speaking of a local hero,

“He is a brave man; he has retained two heads until sundown.”

When the taste for blood has been to a certain extent satisfied, they again resume their singing and dancing while another victim is prepared, when the same ghastly exhibition is repeated. Sometimes as many as twenty slaves will be slaughtered in one day. The dancing and general drunken uproar is continued until midnight, when once more absolute silence ensues, in utter contrast to the hideous tumult of the day.

I had frequently heard the natives boast of the skill of their executioners, but I doubted their ability to decapitate a man with one blow of the soft metal knives they use. I imagined they would be compelled to hack the head from the body. When I witnessed this sickening spectacle I was alone, unarmed, and absolutely powerless to interfere. But the mute agony of this poor black martyr, who was to die for no crime, but simply because he was a slave, — whose every piteous movement was mocked by frenzieds avages, and whose very death throes gave the signal for the unrestrained outburst of a hideous carnival of drunken savagery, — appealed so strongly to my sense of duty that I decided upon preventing by force any repetition of this scene. I made my resolution known to an assembly of the principal chiefs, and although several attempts were made, no actual executions took place during the remainder of my stay in this district.

THE VILLAGE CHIEFS

A few words are necessary to define the position of the village chiefs as the most important factors in African savage life; especially as in one way or another they are intimately connected with the worst features of the slave system, and are responsible for nearly all the atrocities practiced on the slave.

The so-called chiefs are the head men of a village, and they rank according to the number of their warriors. The title of chieftain is not hereditary, but is gained by one member of a tribe proving his superiority to his fellows. The most influential chief in a village has necessarily the greatest number of fighting men, and these are principally slaves, as the allegiance of a free man can never be depended upon. A chief’s idea of wealth is — slaves. Any kinds of money he may have he will convert into slaves upon the first opportunity. Polygamy is general throughout Central Africa, and a chief buys as many female slaves as he can afford, and will also marry free women — which is, after all, only another form of purchase.

MODES OF TORTURE

All tribes I have known have an idea of immortality. They believe that death leads but to another life, to be continued under the same conditions as the life they are now leading; and a chief thinks that if when he enters into this new existence that if he is accompanied by a sufficient following of slaves he will be entitled to the same rank in the next world as he holds in this. From this belief emanates one of their most barbarous customs — the ceremony of human sacrifices upon the death of any one of importance. Upon the decease of a chief, a certain number of his slaves are selected to be sacrificed, that their spirits may accompany him to the next world. Should this chief possess thirty men and twenty women, seven or eight of the former and six or seven of the latter will suffer death. The men are decapitated, and the women are strangled. When a woman is to be sacrificed she is adorned with bright metal bangles, her toilet is carefully attended to, her hair is neatly plaited, and bright-colored cloths are wrapped around her. Her hands are then pinioned behind, and her neck is passed through a noose of cord; the long end of the cord is led over the branch of the nearest tree, and is drawn taut at a given signal; and while the body is swinging in mid-air its convulsive movements are imitated with savage gusto by the spectators. It often happens that a little child also becomes a victim to this horrible ceremony, by being placed in the grave alive, as a pillow for the dead chief. These executions are still perpetrated in all the villages of the Upper Congo.

But the life of the slave is not only forfeited at the death of the chief of the tribe in which fate has cast his lot. Let us suppose that the tribe he is owned by has been maintaining an internecine warfare with another tribe in the same district. For some reason it is deemed politic by the chief to bring the feud to an end, and a meeting is arranged with his rival. At the conclusion of the interview, in order that the treaty of peace may be solemnly ratified, blood must be spilled.

A slave is therefore selected, and the mode of torture preceding his death will vary in different districts. In the Ubangi River district the slave is suspended head downwards from the branch of a tree, and there left to die. But even more horrible is the fate of such a one at Chumbiri, Bolobo, or the large villages around Irebu, where the expiatory victim is actually buried alive with only the head left above the ground. All his bones have first been crushed or broken, and in speechless agony he waits for death. He is usually thus buried at the junction of two highways, or by the side of some well-trodden pathway leading from the village; and of all the numerous villagers who pass to and fro, not one, even if he felt a momentary pang of pity, would dare either to alleviate or to end his misery, for this is forbidden under the severest penalties.

HOW THE NATIVES ARE ENSLAVED

The varying fortunes of tribal warfare furnish the markets with slaves whose cicatrization marks show them to be members of widely differing families and distant villages. But there are some tribes, and these the most inoffensive and the most peaceful, whose weakness places them at all times at the mercy of their more powerful neighbors. Without exception the most persecuted race in the dominions of the Congo Free State are the Balolo tribes, inhabiting the country through which the Malinga, Lupuri, Lulungu, and Ikelemba rivers flow. I may here mention the the prefix “Ba” in the language of these people implies the plural; for instance, Lolo would mean one Lolo — Ba-lolo signifying Lolo people. These people are naturally mild and inoffensive. Their small, unprotected villages are constantly attacked by the powerful roving tribes of the Lufembé and Ngombé. These two tribes are voracious cannibals. They surround the Lolo villages at night, and at the first signs of dawn pounce down upon the unsuspecting Balolo, killing all the men who resist and catching all the rest. They then select the stronger portion of their captives, and shackle them hand and foot to prevent their escape. The remainder they kill, distributing the flesh among themselves.

As a rule, after such a raid they form a small encampment; they light their fires, seize all the bananas in the village, and gorge upon the human flesh. They then march over to one of the numerous slave-markets on the river, where they exchange the captives with the slave-traders of the Lulungu River for beads, cloth, brass wire, and other trinkets. The slave-traders pack the slaves into their canoes and take them down to the villages on the Lulungu River where the more important markets are held. Masankusu, situated at the junction of the Lupuri and Malinga tributaries, is by far the most important slave-trading center. The people of Masankusu buy their slaves from the Lufembé and Ngombé raiders, and sell them to the Lulungu natives and traders from down river. The slaves are exhibited for sale at Masankusu in long sheds, or rather under simple grass roofs supported on bare poles. It is heartrending to see the inmates of one of these slave-sheds. They are huddled together like so many animals.

IN THE SLAVE SHED

The accompanying pictures, from sketches which I took at Masankusu, will give some idea of the suffering which is endured by captives in numberless slave-markets. (Note: These illustrations are reproduced in Kurt Saxon’s book ROOT ROT. See details at the end of this article.) They are hobbled with roughly hewn logs which chafe their limbs to open sores; sometimes a whole tree presses its weight on their bodies while their necks are penned into the natural prong formed by its branching limbs. Others sit from day to day with their legs and arms maintained in a fixed position by rudely constructed stocks, and each slave is secured to the roof-posts by a cord knotted to a cane ring which either encircles his neck or is intertwined with his woolly hair. Many die of pure starvation, as the owners give them barely enough food to exist upon, and even that they grudge them. These hungry creatures form indeed a truly pitiable sight. After suffering this captivity for a short time they become mere skeletons. All ages, of both sexes, are to be seen: mothers with their babes; young men and women; boys and girls; and even babies who cannot yet walk, and whose mothers have died of starvation, or perhaps been killed by the Lufembé. One seldom sees either old men or old women; they are all killed in the raids: their marketable value being very small, no trouble is taken with them.

Witnessing groups of these poor, helpless wretches, with their emaciated forms and sunken eyes, their faces a very picture of sadness, it is not difficult to perceive the intense grief that they are inwardly suffering; but they know too well it is of no use to appeal for sympathy to their merciless masters, who have been accustomed from childhood to witness acts of cruelty and brutality, so that to satisfy their insatiable greed they will commit themselves, or permit to be committed, any atrocity, however great. Even the pitiable sight of one of these slave-sheds does not half represent the misery caused by this traffic — homes broken up, mothers separated from their babies, husbands from wives, and brothers from sisters. When last at Masankusu I saw a slave woman who had with her one child, whose starved little body she was clutching to her shrunken breast. I was attracted by her sad face, which betokened great suffering. I asked her the cause of it, and she told me in a low, sobbing voice the following tale:

“I was living with my husband and three children in an inland village, a few miles from here. My husband was a hunter. Ten days ago the Lufembé attacked our settlement; my husband defended himself, but was overpowered and speared to death with several of the other villagers. I was brought here with my three children, two of whom have already been purchased by the traders. I shall never see them any more. Perhaps they will kill them on the death of some chief, or perhaps kill them for food. My remaining child, you see, is ill, dying from starvation; they give us nothing to eat. I expect even this one will be taken from me today, as the chief, fearing lest it should die and become a total loss, has offered it for a very small price. As for myself,” said she, “they will sell me to one of the neighboring tribes, to toil in the plantations, and when I become old and unfit for work I shall be killed.”

There were certainly five hundred slaves exposed for sale in this one village alone. Large canoes were constantly arriving from down river, with merchandise of all kinds with which they purchased these slaves. A large trade is carried on between the Ubangi and Lulungu rivers. The people inhabiting the mouth of the Ubangi buy the Balolo slaves at Masankusu and the other markets. They then take them up the Ubangi River and exchange them with the natives there for ivory. These natives buy their slaves solely for food. Having purchased slaves they feed them on ripe bananas, fish, and oil, and when they get them into good condition, they kill them. Hundreds of the Balolo slaves are taken into the river and disposed of in this way each month. A great many other slaves are sold to the large villages on the Congo, to supply victims for the execution ceremonies.

Much life is lost in the capturing of slaves, and during their captivity many succumb to starvation. Of the remainder, numbers are sold to become victims to cannibalism and human sacrifice ceremonies. There are few indeed who are allowed to live and prosper.

CANNIBALISM

Cannibalism exists among all the peoples on the Upper Congo east of 16 E. longitude, and is prevalent to an even greater extent among the people inhabiting the banks of the numerous affluents. During a two months’ voyage on the Ubangi River I was constantly brought into contact with cannibalism. The natives there pride themselves upon the number of skulls they possess, denoting the number of victims they have been able to obtain. I saw one native hut, around which was built a raised platform of clay a foot wide, on which were placed rows of human skulls , forming a ghastly picture, but one of which the chief was very proud, as he signified by the admiring way he drew my attention to the sight. Bunches of twenty and thirty skulls were hung about in prominent positions in the village. I asked one young chief, who was certainly not more than twenty-five years old, how many men he had eaten in his village, and he answered me thirty. He was greatly astonished at the horror I expressed at his answer. In one village again, as I had bought a tusk of ivory, the natives thought perhaps I might buy skulls, and several armfuls were brought down to my boat within a few minutes.

I found trading somewhat difficult on this river, as the standard of value on the Ubangi was human life — human flesh. I have been asked on several occasions to barter a man for a tusk of ivory, and I remember that at one village the natives urged me to leave one of my boat’s crew in exchange for a goat. “Meat for meat,” they said. I was repeatedly invited, too, to help them fight some of the neighboring tribes. They said:

“You can take the ivory, and we will take the meat”

— meaning, of course, the human beings who might be killed in the fight. The more unfriendly of them would frequently threaten that they would eat us, and I have no doubt they would have done so had we not been strong enough to take care of ourselves.

During my first visit to the upper waters of the Malinga River cannibalism was brought to my notice in a ghastly manner. One night I heard a woman’s piercing shriek, followed by a stifled, gurgling moan; then boisterous laughter, when all again became silent. In the morning I was horrified to see a native offering for sale to my men a piece of human flesh, the skin of which bore the tribal tattoo mark of the Balolo. I afterwards learned that the cry we had heard at night was from a female slave whose throat had been cut. I was absent from this village of Malinga for ten days. On my return I inquired if any further bloodshed had taken place, and was informed that five other women had been killed.

While in the Ruki River at the beginning of this year, I was furnished with another proof of the horrible fate of the slaves. At Esengé, a village near which I stopped to cut wood for my steamer, I heard ominous beating of drums and outbreaks of excited mirth. I was informed by one of the natives from the village that an execution was taking place. To my inquiry whether they were in the habit of eating human flesh, he replied:

“We eat the body entirely.”

I further asked what they did with the head.

“Eat it,” he replied; “but first we put it in the fire to singe the hair off.”

There is a small river situated between the Ruki and the Lulungu, called the Ikelemba. At its mouth it is not more than 140 yards wide. Its waters are navigable for 140 miles, and it flows through the land of the Balolo. In proportion to its size it supplies more slaves than any other river. By looking on the map it will be seen that the Ikelemba, Ruki, and Lulungu run parallel to one another. The large slave-raiding tribes inhabit the land between these rivers, and bring their slaves to the nearest market, whether on the Ikelemba, Ruki, or Lulungu.

LOCAL SLAVE-MARKETS

There are clearings at intervals all along the banks of the Ikelemba, where on certain days are held small local markets for the exchange of slaves. As one travels up stream small settlements are passed more and more frequently, and fifty miles from the mouth all the country on the left side of the river is thickly populated. It is noticeable that the villages are all on the left side of the river, the opposite side being infested by marauding and roving tribes who would raid any settlement made on their banks. All the slaves from this river are Balolo, a tribe which is easily recognizable by the exaggerated tattoo marked on the forehead, side of the temples, and chin.

During my ten-days’ visit to this river I met dozens of canoes belonging to the country at the mouth of the Ruki River and the Bakuté district, whose owners had come up and bought slaves, and were returning with their purchases. When traveling from place to place on the river the slaves are, for convenience, relieved of the weight of the heavy shackles. The traders always carry, hanging from the sheaths of their knives, light handcuffs, formed of cord and cane.

The slave when purchased is packed on the floor of the canoe in a crouching posture with his hands bound in front of him by means of these handcuffs. During the voyage he is carefully guarded by the crew of standing paddlers; and when the canoe is tied to the bank at night the further precaution is taken of changing the position in which the hands are bound and pinioning them behind his back, to prevent him from endeavoring to free himself by gnawing through the strands. To make any attempt at escape quite impossible, his wrist is bound to that of one of his sleeping masters, who would be aroused at his slightest movement.

In one canoe which I noticed particularly there were five traders, and their freight of miserable humanity consisted of thirteen emaciated Balolo slaves, men, women, and little children, all showing unmistakably by their sunken eyes and meager bodies the starvation and the cruelty to which they had been subjected. These slaves are taken down to the large villages at the mouth of the Ruki, where they are sold in exchange for ivory to the people in the Ruki or the Ubangi district, the men to be used as warriors, and the women as wives; but compared with the numbers who suffer from the persecution of the slave-raiders, few indeed ever live to attain a secure position of even the humblest kind in a village.

The wretched state of these Balolo has always saddened me, as intellectually they are a grade higher than the tribes surrounding them; and it is really owing to the gentler fiber of their natures, and their peaceful, trusting disposition, that they easily fall a prey to the degraded and savage hordes in their district. They have artistic taste and mechanical ingenuity, and make exquisitely woven shields and curiously shaped and decorated spears and knives. They are exceedingly intelligent, faithful, and, when properly officered, brave.

IN THE FAR INTERIOR

For many months I traveled on the Upper Congo and its affluents and had on several occasions to defend myself against the hostility of the natives. My crew consisted of fifteen men, the greater part of whom were Balolo, and I was never deceived by them. When first I engaged them they came into my hands in the rough. They were savages, some of them cannibals; but they are of a very malleable nature, and with a policy of firmness and fair play I was able to convert them into devoted and faithful servants.

As evidence of what can be done by gaining the confidence of the natives, through a policy of firmness and fairness, I think I may safely quote my experience at the Equator Station. I remained there for nearly a year, with only one Zanzibari soldier; all the rest of my people were natives I had engaged from the neighboring villages. I was surrounded on all sides by powerful people, who, had they wished, could easily have overcome me and pillaged my post. But not the slightest act of hostility or of an unfriendly nature was ever attempted, and I felt just as secure among them as I do in the city of London or New York. It is true the natives had nothing to gain by molesting me, and they were intelligent enough to perceive that fact. In reality, my presence was, to a great extent, beneficial to their interests. I had cloth, beads, looking-glasses, spoons, cups, and trinkets, and these I exchanged with them; every now and then I would organize a little hunt after elephants or hippopotami; and as my part in the consumption of either of these animals was a very small one, most of the meat I gave away to the natives.

My life during my stay at the Equator Station was a pleasant one. The people were of a happy and gay disposition; all were friendly and talkative. They would sit for hours and listen most attentively to my tales of Europe, and their intelligent questions proved them to be possessed of keen understanding. There is no more attentive audience in the whole world than a group of African savages, if you can speak their language and make yourself understood. When I was tired of talking to them, I would ask them questions concerning their manners, customs, and traditions. As I was much impressed by their cruelty, I always made a point of expressing my abhorrence of it, and have even told them that one day I should strike a blow for the slave. My audience on such occasions consisted principally of slaves, and these poor wretches were always much gratified to hear my friendly opinions towards themselves. My arguments, I could see, often appealed strongly to the chiefs themselves, as I asked them:

“Why do you kill these people? Do you think they have no feeling because they are slaves? How would you like to see your own child torn away from you and sold into slavery, to satisfy the cravings of cannibalism, or to be executed?”

They even said, some of them, at the time, that they would not hold any more executions. These executions did take place, but in a secret manner, and all news of them was kept from my ears until some time afterwards, when I learned of them from my own men. But I would have been unable to prevent the carrying out of such a ceremony with the force I had at my disposal in a single Zanzibari soldier!

SOME BARBAROUS CUSTOMS

I remember one execution which took place, the details of which I learned afterwards. It was to celebrate the death of a chief who had been drowned while on a trading expedition. As soon as the news of his death was brought to the village, several of his slaves were tied hand and foot and lashed down into the bottom of a canoe. The canoe was then towed out to the middle of the river at night; holes were bored in it, and it was allowed to sink with its human freight. When we are able to prohibit the terrible loss of life which the children of today are compelled constantly to witness, more humane feelings may develop themselves, and surrounded by healthy influences they will, unspoiled by at least open exhibitions of cruelty, grow into a far nobler generation.

Natives suffering at the hands of the slave traders have repeatedly asked me to help them. At Malinga, where human flesh was offered me for sale, the assembled chiefs voted me several tusks of ivory if I would live among them and defend them against the Lufembé, and enable them to resist the persecutions they were exposed to from the neighboring tribes, who were continually making raids into their districts, capturing their people. They said:

“We are being starved to death. We can make no plantations, because when our women visit them they are caught, killed, and eaten by the crafty Lufembé, who are constantly prowling around and taking away any stragglers they may see.”

One old chief, Isekiaka, told me that already from time to time twelve of his women had been stolen from him, and several of his children. Indeed, so wretched is the condition of the people on the upper reaches of the Malinga that numbers of them have been driven by the Lufembé from their plantations on the mainland, and are actually compelled to live on the river in miserable huts, the floors of which are supported on piles. From these dwellings they suspend their nets, and as the river is full of fish, they subsist almost entirely on the produce of their hauls. This has given rise to a curious state of things; for, as the Lufembé grow only manioc, and have more roots than are sufficient for the tribe, they are only too glad to exchange these for fish caught by their victims. And so when a market is held an armed truce is declared, and Lufembé and Malinga mingle together and barter, with their products held in one hand and a drawn knife ready in the other.

It can be readily imagined that the incessant persecution which the natives are suffering renders them cruel and remorseless. Throughout the regions of the Malinga they become so brutalized by hunger that they eat their own dead, and the appearance of one of their villages always denotes abject misery and starvation. I have repeatedly seen young children eating the root of the banana tree, vainly endeavoring to obtain some kind of nourishment from its succulence. That they are able to exist at all is a mystery. Every living object they are able to obtain is accepted as food; different kinds of flies, caterpillars, and crickets are all eaten by these people.

When one has lived for some time in Central Africa, one comes to understand the little impression that acts of the most atrocious and wanton cruelty make on the savage mind. Surrounded from childhood by scenes of bloodshed and torture, their holidays and great ceremonies marked by massacres of slaves, the mildest and most sensitive nature becomes brutalized and callous; and if this is so with the free, what must be the effect upon the slave, torn when a child from its mother, perhaps at the age of two years, and even in its infancy compelled to suffer privation. If indeed the child runs the gauntlet of cannibalism and execution ceremonies, it can hardly be expected that he will sympathize with any suffering.

The people on the lower art of the Upper Congo seldom practice slave-raiding. It is only when we come to the Bakuté district that we are brought much in contact with it. The large villages around Stanley Pool, — Chumbiri, Bolobo, Lukolela, Butunu, Ngombé, Busindi, Irebu, — Lake Mantumba, and the Ubangi River all rely principally upon the Balolo tribes for their slaves. All these villages except Stanley Pool are daily making human sacrifices, either in connection with the death of some chief or for some other ceremonial reason. Any kind of commerce transacted in this part of Africa only increases the bloodshed, because the native’s ambition is to get as many slaves as possible around him; and when he sells a tusk of ivory or any other article he devotes nearly all of the cloth, brass wire, and beads which he obtains in exchange to the purchase of fresh slaves. So that he is surrounded by numerous women and warriors during his lifetime, and has his importance signalized at his death by the execution of about half the number of his people.

SUPPRESSION OF SLAVERY

I frequently talked with these people, and explained to them the iniquity of slavery; but they argued:

“We have a great deal of hard work in our trading expeditions to obtain these slaves; why should we leave them all behind us for others who have not worked? We have bought them, they are our slaves, and we have a right to do what we like with them.”

The ceremony of execution, with its attendant brutality, ought to be, and can be, stopped. The bloodshed is even greater today than when Stanley first saw these people in 1877; the reason being, as I have before mentioned, that contact with white men has made them richer, and has enabled them to obtain more slaves. The great powers of the civilized world are not discussing the antislavery movement, and if such discussions should result in some united action directed towards the suppression of the trade in the interior, there are a few peculiar features which might be turned to advantage.

First, and most important, this traffic is not complicated by religious fanaticism of any kind.

Second. These people are disunited; every village of fifty or sixty houses is independent of its neighbor, and small family wars are continually taking place.

Third. There is nothing so convincing to the African savage as physical superiority.

Now all these points are in favor of the antislavery movement.

The absence of religious fanaticism, the disunited condition of the natives, and their acknowledgment of physical superiority ought to be taken advantage of, and always borne in mind when plans for the suppression of the slave-trade and its attendant barbarism are projected. In my opinion, it will be some years before the slave-trade carried on by the Arabs can be successfully grappled with, but there is no reason why any delay should occur in striking a blow at the intertribal trade.

The Congo Free State has moved a step in the right direction by establishing near Stanley Falls an entrenched camp, with the object of forming a barrier to keep the Arabs, with their Manyema banditti, east of that position. Every country in the world should support the State to effect this object,as it will play a most important part in the history of Central Africa. When Stanley left Wadelai the Mahdists were already there. If these hordes join with those at Stanley Falls, it will require most strenuous efforts to save the whole Congo Basin from their devastations. While we are still able to keep the Arabs east of the Falls, no time should be lost in eradicating the existing bloodshed west of that point. It is a big work, but it is a duty which the civilized world owes to the helpless slave. Although black, and a savage, still he is a human being. It should always be remembered that the suppression of slavery in Africa does not mean merely striking the fetters from the limbs of the slave; its end is not only the substitution of paid for forced labor, but also the relief of enslaved humanity throughout all these regions from a life of unspeakable horror, from tortures that only the savage African can invent, and from a certain and violent death.

From Banana Point to Stanley Pool slavery does exist, but of such a mild character that when operations are actually begun Stanley Pool should be the starting point. If half a dozen fast boats were placed on the river at Stanley Pool, each armed with twenty black soldiers, officered by two or three Europeans who had proved by their past services that they were capable of dealing with the question, and if such a force had the recognition of the civilized powers and was allowed to strike a blow at the evil, thousands of human lives would be saved.

These boats would be continually moving about the river, and those in command would begin by making a careful study of local politics. They would have to convince the natives of their determination to stop these diabolical ceremonies of bloodshed. The natives should be warned that any villages which in the future were guilty of carrying out such ceremonies would be most severely punished. Some of the better disposed native chiefs would have to be brought over to the side of the white man. Spies should be engaged all over the district, so that a boat on arriving would immediately hear of any execution that was about to take place or that had taken place; and I would suggest that any village which still continued these acts of cruelty, after having been fairly and fully warned, should be attacked, and a severe example made of the principal offenders. A few such punishments would soon have a most salutary effect.

These operations I should recommend to be carried on between Stanley Pool and the Falls. Posts should also be established in commanding positions to control the mouths of the slave-raiding rivers. Each point should be supplied with a boat such as I have recommended for the lower river. Other stations should be established in the center of the slave-raiding district. Slaves at the time in the markets might be redeemed and placed in some settlement, where they could be trained as soldiers or learn some useful craft. I have, whenever it was possible, purchased the redemption of slaves, and on the completion of such purchase have always taken the precaution to place in the freedman’s hand a paper to the effect that he had been redeemed by me from slavery, and that the expedition I represented would make a specified payment per month while he remained in its service.

EFFECT OF LIBERATION

It was curious to observe the different effects that the announcement of such a redemption had on slaves freed so unexpectedly. As a rule, the bewildered man would go from one to another of my boat’s crew, asking all sorts of questions as to the meaning of the ceremony. What was to be his fate? Was he to be exchanged for ivory? or was he to be eaten? And it would take some time and patience to explain to him, after his first surprise was over, the full import of the paper I had placed in his possession. Others, more intelligent, would immediately understand the good fortune that had befallen them; and it was strange to see the startling change in the expression of their countenances, which a moment before betokened nothing but unresisting acquiescence in their miserable destiny, and to note their inert and weary bodies, which seemed at once to become erect and vigorous when released from the degrading fetters.

After having bought all the slaves which were exposed for sale, warning should be given that any attempt to purchase human beings for slavery would be the signal for war, and that the purchasers would be severely punished.

The most important part of the movement is to convince the slaves of our earnestness and sincerity. I feel confident that should operations be carried on in the way thus suggested most satisfactory results would ensue.

The reason for the native villages being disunited is, that there seldom exists a chief strong enough to form a combination. This weakness should be taken advantage of, and capable white men might, through their personal influence, unite the tribes under their leadership. Sooner or later the Arabs at Stanley Falls will have to be battled with. At present they remain there, not because the white men will not allow them to come lower down, but because they are in the center of such a rich field, and they know that by coming down the river they must rely entirely on their canoes, as roads in the interior are few and far between, owing to the swampy nature of the land. They would also have the populous and warlike districts of Upoto, Mobeka, and Bangala to fight against, which would not be so easily overcome as the small scattered hamlets around Stanley Falls, which at present they are continually persecuting.

All the natives on the Upper Congo, quite up to the limits at present reached by the Arabs, should be controlled as much a possible by Europeans. They should be combined together under Europeans, so that when the time arrives that the Arabs decide to move west they would be met at their frontiers by a barrier of well-armed and resolute natives.

The slave-trade of today is almost entirely confined to Africa. The slaves are caught and disposed of in that continent, and the number of those who are shipped to Turkey and other parts are indeed few compared with the enormous traffic carried on in the interior. We have the authority of Stanley and Livingstone and other explorers concerning the iniquity existing in the eastern portion of Equatorial Africa.

In India we have an example of what determination and resolution can accomplish; as the inhuman ceremonies of the suttee, car of Juggernaut, infanticide, and the secret society of the Thugs have all been suppressed by the British Government. The opportunities for reaching the center of Africa are yearly improving. Since Stanley first exposed to the world’s gaze, in 1877, the blood-stained history of the Dark Continent, rapid strides have been made in opening up that country. The work for Africa’s welfare so determinedly pursued by Livingstone has been most nobly carried on by Stanley, and the rapid progress which is at present taking place is due entirely to Stanley’s efforts. A great obstacle has always existed between the outside world and Central Africa, in the stretch of unnavigable water between Matadi and Stanley Pool. The railway now being constructed will overcome this difficulty.

E. J. Glave.

This article was originally published in

The Century Magazine  —  April, 1890.








Tuesday, November 5, 2024

The race taking place now will decide whether Whites will become a minority before they become racially conscious...


"[In this video Mark Collett, leader of the pro-White British nationalist movement, Patriotic Alternative, gives an impassioned speech at PA’s annual conference about the challenges and dangers ahead for nationalists in a regime that is increasingly open about its White replacement agenda.

The following points were made by Mark:

Opening remarks thanking attendees.

Analogy of boiling a frog to describe gradual societal changes.
“Since 1945, there have been sweeping changes to almost every aspect of British life.”

Recent rapid changes under new Labour government.
“The heat has been turned up so quickly that nearly everyone is talking about it now.”

Public perception shift on immigration issues (8:00)
“There was once a time when you could speak to members of the public and they didn’t believe mass immigration was even an issue.”

Recent events highlighting immigration concerns (10:00)
“Who would have thought back in June that less than four months later we would have seen the murder of three little White girls by the son of migrants?”

New government policies and crackdowns (12:00)
“New legislation is now being drafted to criminalize those who speak out against migration.”

Two-tier system disadvantaging white British citizens (15:00)
“Normal White working folk are now clearly second class citizens.”

Mainstream acknowledgment of two-tier policing (18:00)
“The term has been used in Parliament, in the media and in almost every major newspaper.”

Opportunities and dangers of current situation (20:00)
“This is a watershed moment for nationalists here in the UK and it represents not some small or incremental shift, but a massive jump.”

Government’s acceleration of immigration (23:00)
“The establishment have clearly acknowledged that there is a race going on between migration and the public consciousness of migration.”

Recent population statistics (26:00)
“For the first time since 1976, deaths outstripped births here in the UK.”

Government’s efforts to silence dissent (28:00)
“Their second course of action is to effectively terrorize white people”

Origins of the term “terrorism” (30:00)
“The words terrorism and terrorist came into existence thanks to a gruesome and protracted period of state sponsored violence during the French revolution.”

Current state surveillance and oppression (33:00)
“We are moving toward a point where holding the wrong opinions will be seen as almost a capital crime”

Changing attitudes towards remigration (35:00)
“Remigration is now rightly seen as the only solution that can save us from becoming a minority.”

Potential criminalization of remigration rhetoric (37:00)
“Calls for remigration and deportation could well be outlawed as terms that are likely to stir up racial hatred.”

Plans for indigenous rights advocacy (39:00)
“We will become an indigenous rights advocacy and pressure group.”

Expectation of some supporters leaving the movement (41:00)
“I expect that some people who were once very active in this movement will take their leave.”

Speaker’s commitment despite risks (42:00)
“I will carry on despite the associated risks, because I believe more than anything that what we do is right.”

Closing rallying cry
“Those who dare to fight in the darkest of times are the heroes that will ensure that tomorrow belongs to us.”

– KATANA]"

Firstly, before I start speaking, I just want to say a huge thank you to everyone who came here today. To see us packing out a room like this for what, the fifth year in a row is incredible! The momentum we’ve built and the momentum we’ve maintained over the last five years, people often credit to me. But it’s not really me who did this, it’s us!

So when people are giving myself a round of applause, I do appreciate that. But the round of applause should be extended to everyone who is part of our community, because first and foremost, that is what Patriotic Alternative is all about.

Now, there is an overused analogy that I am sure everyone in this room will be familiar with. And that analogy is about boiling a frog.

But in case you are the one person in the room that hasn’t heard of this analogy before, it’s based around the idea that if you were going to boil a frog, which I don’t recommend, by the way, but if you were, and you were going to boil that frog alive in a pan of water, you’re better off putting the frog in cold water, placing the pan on the stove and gently turning up the heat so the frog doesn’t know that it’s being boiled alive, until it’s too late. The converse of this is, of course, you just throw the frog into a pan of bubbling water on the stove and it jumps right out and it escapes!

Now, obviously, everyone in this room today can understand why this analogy has been used so often, as it clearly applies directly to the struggle that we are in. Since 1945, there have been sweeping changes to almost every aspect of British life. And if you took a snapshot of Britain in, let’s say, 1950, and compared it to the Britain that we live in today, I think we’d all agree [sound cut out] … Fresh water from a stream with bubbling hot water sat in a pan on a stove. And we didn’t go from 1945 to 2024 in a heartbeat or even in a short period of time. It took us over three quarters of a century. That’s longer than the average lifespan of the people who were alive when all of those changes were set in motion. The changes were drip fed to the public.

And in terms of the analogy that I began with, the analogy of the frog in the pan, the heat was turned up so very slowly over such a lengthy period of time. But here today in Britain in 2024, I finally think that the overused analogy of the frog being boiled is starting to lose its relevance. As since the election of Keir Starmer and the current Labour government, the heat has been turned up so quickly that I think it would be impossible for anyone not to notice! In fact, the heat has been turned up so quickly that nearly everyone is talking about it now.

Now, as people have said, I’ve been around for a long time and it was once common for nationalists like myself who engaged with the public to be turned away or dismissed on the grounds that we were talking nonsense! I’ve spent over two decades trying to convince the public of both the reality and the gravity of the situation that we as a race and nation face. I have first hand knowledge of the way the public dismissed us.

Believe it or not, there was once a time when you could speak to members of the public and they didn’t believe mass immigration was even an issue. And they certainly would not have entertained the idea that White Britons would ever have faced the prospect of being a minority in their ancestral homeland.

What’s more, if you tried to inform people that as this process would take place, not only would White Britons be the ones to pay financially for the transition, but during that transition they would become an underclass, many people used to roll their eyes. They would even laugh and mock you for what you were saying.

To many, the future that we warned of was simply preposterous! It was a fantasy! Or worse still, it was a conspiracy theory! And I’ve had that argument thrown into my face more times than I care to remember.

But over the last three and a half months, things have changed dramatically. There has been a massive, a seismic political shift in Britain. A shift that has been overseen and stage managed by what is undoubtedly the most nakedly anti-White and pro-migrant government this country has ever seen! One that puts both the Blair and Sunak regimes to shame. This shift is the equivalent of turning up the heat under the pan, not by several degrees, but by such a factor that the frog immediately takes note.

Who would have thought back in June that less than four months later we would have seen the murder of three little White girls by the son of migrants? Spontaneous mass anti-migrant protests on the streets of cities the length and breadth of the country. A brutal police clampdown like nothing we have ever witnessed before. 24 hour politicised courts being convened to deal with speech and thought criminals! The Prime Minister going on television to tell us he is forming special police forces to simply focus on Internet hate crimes. New legislation is now being draughted to criminalise those who speak out against migration.

But on top of all of that, there is a raft of new economic cash grabs, including a discriminatory policy that withdraws vital winter fuel payments from over 10 million, overwhelmingly White, pensioners in order to ensure that a raft of diverse and progressive policies can still be funded. But whilst all this is happening, whilst Labour is stripping us of our rights and signing off on what could effectively be a policy that leads to a cull of elderly White Britons, they have also been preparing an amnesty for over 100,000 illegal immigrants, as well as removing the final few remaining blockades to migrants entering the country.

And all these new Britons that are going to be granted the right to stay here, they won’t be facing the same financial crisis that us true Brits will! As Labour is committed to spending millions, if not billions, on making sure these people are cared for in every way imaginable! I have to emphasise this again, this is all within four months of Starmer being elected. They have not just turned up the temperature a little, they have gone straight to gas Mark 10 in the blink of an eye.

And on top of that, they are not even trying to hide it! Now at one time governments, especially the Conservatives, always the Conservatives, would usually dangle a carrot in order to soften the blow. But the current Labour establishment are so totally shameless and anti-White that they don’t even do that! Things have changed so much so that I don’t think going up to people and talking about migration and the idea of Whites becoming a minority would be something that anyone contested anymore.

Now, sure, I think you would find liberals out there, and those liberals would say:

“Yeah, the demographic shift is happening.”

And they’d be celebrating it. But they’d still admit that it was happening. They would say:

“They celebrated it.”

Rather than denying it.

But more importantly than accepting the facts on migration, which are of course important, is the fact that people are now aware that we live under a two tier system. A two tier system is in place where the indigenous people of these islands are automatically placed at a disadvantage when compared to both new arrivals and those from ethnic minority backgrounds.

Now, granted, the rules are a little more complex than what I have just stated, obviously White Britons who are part of the ruling elite, Whites who are part of far-Left organisations, or Whites who are part of degenerate, sickening subcultures, will get a pass. But normal White working folk are now clearly Second Class citizens! And worse still, if you are White and if you’re speaking out against mass immigration, multiculturalism or talking about demographic change, you will be treated as the lowest of the low! And you will have fewer rights than any other group in the country!

Now this in itself is not news to anyone in this room. We’ve known this was coming for a long time. We know if a member of an anti-fascist organisation punches someone, the police don’t care. If a nationalist defends himself and it’s self defence, you’re getting arrested. If a young black male sets fire to the Union Jack at the Cenotaph, it’s a suspended sentence. If a young White male kicks a policeman because three little White girls were murdered, it’s off to jail for 26 months!

And again, this isn’t news to us. We’ve seen this creeping up. We’ve known this was coming for years and we’ve spent, some of us, decades trying to warn the public.

But in the last few months, the dam has finally broken, when it comes to talking about this issue. The issue of “two tier policing” has gone mainstream. The term has been used in Parliament, in the media and in almost every major newspaper. The heat has been turned up so quickly that not even the press can deny what is happening. And the public are no longer deriding or ignoring what we say. They are openly voicing our talking points, which are increasingly becoming part of the everyday discourse in workplaces, in social clubs, in pubs and in homes all over Britain. This is a watershed moment for nationalists here in the UK! And it represents not some small or incremental shift, but a massive jump! But that jumps before you all start celebrating presents both great opportunities, but also serious dangers.

Let’s start with the good stuff. Let’s start with the opportunities. Never before has immigration been such a hot topic. Never before have so many people been openly concerned about demographic change. This isn’t just reflected in the way normal people are speaking. We’ve seen a massive change in the way that formerly race blind politicians, content creators, and influencers are reporting on the issue of immigration and anti-White policymaking. All of a sudden there is a palpable fear about the prospect of the UK becoming a country where the indigenous population are a minority. And there is also this growing concern of how White people would be treated if they were a minority. Even Nigel Farage has finally spoken about the ethnic makeup of our cities and even made an election pledge about deporting people.

Finally, the world is accepting the talking points that we have pushed for generations. The truth is breaking through!

However, we should not rejoice too much, because there’s a lot of negatives to this as well. The obvious negative is the way that Keir Starmer and the Labour government are approaching this mass awakening. In short, they are set on two courses of action.

The first is that they wish to accelerate mass immigration into Britain. The establishment have clearly acknowledged that there is a race going on between migration and the public consciousness of migration. On one hand, migration is increasing, but on the other, the public are now more aware that migration is this big threat and that it affects their lives in so many ways.

The race taking place now will decide whether Whites will become a minority before they become racially conscious enough on a wide enough scale to prevent themselves from becoming a minority. And the establishment is not run by idiots. They know how crucial this race is! Starmer and his cabinet know that if White people were to wake up before they were outnumbered, the game is up! Migration is ending, it will be reversed and we will remain a majority.

On the other hand, conversely, they also know if they can increase migration and Whites slip under a certain percentage of the population, it’s effectively game over! White Britons at that point will be destined to minority status!

So the first course of action the Starmer government will be set upon is to speed up White replacement to levels that we have never seen before. And on top of all of that, they have something going in their favour. They already know that we are reaching that tipping point, that the point of no return is not very far off at this juncture. With hundreds of thousands of White Britons leaving the country every year to run from this nightmare, with millions of migrants coming in with birth rates being overwhelmingly in favour of migrant communities, they will surely at this point, think that victory is in their grasp.

And if you want a bit of perspective on this isn’t just me saying this, I’m going to give you the latest figures. It was either this week or last week a report was published. Over the last 12 months. For the first time since 1976, deaths outstripped births here in the UK. Now, you don’t have to be a genius to work out that should lead to a falling population.


Yes? But over the same 12 months, our population grew by the fastest rate it ever has in history! We cannot hide from the fact that we are now being replaced faster than we ever have before.

Now, you think that’s bad, but their second, and I said that was the first course of action. Their second course of action is actually worse than the first. And I know what you’re thinking, how on earth could something be worse than speeding up mass immigration to the point where we become a minority even faster? Well, it’s simple.

Their second course of action is to effectively terrorize White people so that even if Whites become racially conscious on a much larger scale, most of those who understand the truth will be too scared, too browbeaten, to ever speak out about the issue! Effectively meaning that the racially conscious White Britons will sit in silence rather than stand up and join our chorus of dissent.

Now, the astute amongst you will have noticed I used a term there. I said “terrorize”. And I use that term for a specific reason. You see, whilst the government loves to use the word “terrorism” to describe those who espouse views that they don’t like, there is a bitter irony to them using that word in such a way. You see, the words “terrorism” and “terrorist” came into English use as translations of words used in France during the period known as “The Reign of Terror” that took place between 1793 and 1794.

And during that era, the newly installed French government punished, usually by death, those people who were thought to be against the ongoing revolution. Those words came into existence thanks to a gruesome and protracted period of state sponsored violence. It is quite amazing really. The words terrorism and terrorist were originally words used to describe brutal acts of oppression by the State directed against those who spoke out against the state. Or in many cases, those acts of brutal oppression were used against people who were merely perceived to be going against the state. And that is exactly what we’re seeing here now in Britain!

When you see mothers dragged out of their homes for social media posts, when you see working men sent to prison for shouting at police officers, and when you see hard working fathers jailed for minor offences like throwing a traffic cone towards police officers we are living in times of political oppression that can only be described as “state sponsored terror”! We are moving toward a point where holding the wrong opinions will be seen as almost a capital crime, where saying the wrong words to the wrong person will see you receive a sentence longer than what a sex offender would receive.

And this worrying shift towards a complete and total clampdown on freedom of speech and freedom of expression is exactly what I would have predicted from this Labour government. This clampdown has the potential to be the most comprehensive in history, because it is backed by a surveillance state that is unrivaled!

But just as worryingly, it will also be supported by the same disgusting, sniveling people who snitched on their neighbours during the Covid lockdowns. The kind of people who phoned the police when people on their street didn’t come out of their homes at the allotted time to clap like demented seals for the NHS.

Make no mistake, we are now presented with the greatest opportunity that nationalists have seen in a lifetime! But we are also presented with the most draconian laws, the most oppressive system, and a surveillance network that makes anything written in 1984 look like a joke!

But the talk of this takes me back to a different time, a time when I was a young man and how politics was when I first joined this struggle. When I first got involved, I joined the BNP. At the time, the BNP was trying to hide their re-migration policy. The party played down talk of sending people home. We never spoke of it, we never featured it in publicity material and we actually treated it as if it was our dirty little secret. It was something that we spoke of behind closed doors.

We called it the Repatriation Policy. And the party watered it down! Hid it on their website, and had a policy of never speaking about it, never putting it on leaflets, never talking about it at meetings, and definitely never, ever mentioning it in a media interview!

Today, however, several decades on “re-migration” is a buzzword. For the first time in my lifetime, re-migration is a rallying cry that is posted tens of thousands of times a day on social media. Deportation is demanded by sitting MPs. Normal people are discussing sending them back!

Remigration for the first time in a generation is seen not just as a viable solution, but as a necessary solution! Remigration is not just the battle cry of nationalists, but something that normal people are now openly desiring. Remigration is now rightly seen as the only solution that can save us from becoming a minority. It is what we need in order to survive!

But before we celebrate and before we cheer, there is a flip side to that. Remigration is also a term that could soon become illegal. Calls for re-migration and deportation could well be outlawed as terms that are “likely to stir up racial hatred”. And I say “likely” because that is the new word that will be the new bar when deciding whether speech is hate speech. At one time, speech would have to be abusive, insulting or threatening.

But now the Labour government wished to change this to the lower threshold of merely “likely to stir up racial hatred”.

So on one hand, we see a golden opportunity, we see progress and we see the public increasingly accepting our talking points in larger and larger numbers. And most of all, we are finally seeing re-migration being discussed, normalised and even adopted in other Western nations.

But on the other hand, we have these draconian laws, a surveillance state, two tier justice and a clampdown on our freedoms that even George Orwell would never have predicted. Make no mistake my friends, this is a high stakes game. Everything is on the line! All the chips are on the table! And we stand to gain everything. But we also stand to personally forfeit everything if the state singles us out for persecution.

And I’m not going to stand here and lie to you. The risk is real. There are people now in jail cells serving multi-year sentences for saying the wrong thing, attending the wrong protest, or even publishing stickers that the Crown stated were completely legal.

So the question that people will ask me is:

“Where do we go from here?”

Well, we are going to do something that no other group has ever attempted to do here in the UK.

Firstly, we will remain as the community building group we have always been. At the centre of everything we do will remain this community, but we will become an indigenous rights advocacy and pressure group. The only group in the UK that will fight for the rights of the indigenous people of this country who face discrimination, abuse or even jail. We will use this community that we have built to be both a support network and a shield wall for those whom the system attacks.

And the thing that makes me the most proud is that we have already begun doing this. Since the recent anti-migrant protests, we as a community have already raised £15,000 for the families of those who have been jailed for either speech crimes, non-crimes, such as shouting at the police, or being present when disorder took place, and for people who were jailed for minor infractions.

[applause]

And this is a bold move, not just because no one else is doing it, but also because I believe it’s the one thing our people need the most. They need a community that stands behind them when the state comes knocking on their door!

But that sadly brings me to the most uncomfortable part of what I’m going to say today. With this clampdown, with this high stakes battle for our future, with tensions in the  country reaching boiling point and with political persecution reaching levels that we have never seen before, I expect that some people who were once very active in this movement will take their leave. The idea of going to jail or becoming a social pariah will simply be too much for them. These people will look at political prisoners like Sam Melia, and whilst they will admire them and want to support them, they will be terrified of being in their shoes.

Some people will now decide certain things can’t be discussed. They will quietly fall in line with the government’s new mandates, and they will behave like trained dogs, understanding exactly what their masters expect of them.

But I’m sure there is a question here for me. What will I do? And I say I because I am speaking for me. And on this topic, I can’t speak for you. But I will carry on despite the associated risks, because I believe more than anything that what we do is right!

[standing applause]

And people have asked me this. When I say people, I mean members of the public, people in this room, my friends, even my family. They’ve said:

“Mark, is this worth going to jail for? Was this all worth losing your bank accounts? Was this all worth becoming a social pariah that can’t do many of the things that normal people do?”

And I look at them and smile and say:

“The answer is unequivocally yes!”

[applause]

You see, sometimes in life there are bigger things at stake than your own individual well being, your own financial security, and your own social status. From a young age, I acknowledged that the most important thing was the survival of people of European descent!

[applause]

I acknowledged that if we as a people cease to exist, anything that I achieve as an individual in my life would be irrelevant. And now I look at the current situation and I know the risks are greater than ever! I know the establishment will continue to tighten the noose around our necks, choking our freedoms.

But I have done this for long enough to know that the establishment’s actions do not come from a place of strength. Instead, they come from a place of fear and uncertainty. The establishment knows that the cracks in the Multicultural Project are growing by the day. And that’s why they are desperate to pass these new laws as they know the truth is breaking through. And their only hope now is not to hide the truth, because they can’t do that anymore! Their only hope now is to stop people speaking the truth that they already know! They aren’t jailing nationalists because they’re winning. They are jailing nationalists because they’re finally losing their grasp on power!

And that’s why, at this crucial juncture, despite the increased risks, I believe it is time to grit our teeth, to dig our heels in and fight harder:

“But what about our freedom?”

People will cry. Well, the answer to that is simple. Being free is about being able to live as you wish. Being able to say what you want, to be able to do what you please, and to associate with those whom you love. If you can’t do those things, if you choose to self censor, and if you give up on your beliefs, if you are forced to turn your back on your comrades and friends, one thing is for sure, you are not free. You are a prisoner in their system. But worse still, you are a prisoner by consent! And I for one, am not going to consent to being a prisoner of their system. I do not consent to spending my life on my knees for anyone. Especially not a system that despises me, my family, my friends and my people.

[applause]

My message today is clear. Despite the hardships, despite the increasing oppression, and despite what may seem like overwhelming odds, we will never be silenced!

But more so, we will give a voice to those who the system tries to silence. We will be the support network for the most oppressed, trampled people in this country, white people who dare to oppose their own replacement. We are engaged in this struggle because we understand one thing. The most precious thing in the whole world is our people! And the survival of our people is non-negotiable!

So despite the increasing tyranny that we face, we will never stop fighting. And even if our brave comrades are arrested and dragged away from their families and imprisoned, their heads will not be bowed, their flame will not dim, and they will not be forgotten. Quite the opposite in fact. Their heads will be held up high. Their names will be known by more people than they could ever have imagined. Their fight against this system will be spoken of not only the length and breadth of the country, but it will be spoken of all over the Western world.

Because those who dare to fight in the darkest of times are the heroes that will ensure that tomorrow belongs to us!

Thank you.

Source →


Wednesday, October 23, 2024

I notice that a strange movement persists among people

 Sunday: I’ve arranged a meeting with friends in front of a good hotel in Paris. I am waiting, [it is] morning. The biggest, newest black BMW with an Italian license plate arrives. Inside—an elegant, greyish man. He leans over smiling: are you Italian? I answer with a negative nod of the head and see that I’ve really upset him. I feel sorry, but at the same time, glad: he’s taken me for an Italian! French? He continues to ask and gets worried that I’m not even French. He switches to English, and because he speaks that language worse than me, I have a nice, and nasty, sense of advantage. A tourist? I confirm it. He tells me a story: he is a fashion designer and today he has just finished his show in Paris. He shows folders. Nice. During the closing, his wallet was stolen with money, credit cards; fortunately he kept his passport separately; he also shows his Italian passport. He thought I was a compatriot, and now.… And again a worried, doggy, congenial face. I ask what it’s about. About money; he has to have some money to get back to Rome, to stay overnight somewhere on the way, to eat something. How much? A lot. More or less as much as what I have. He apologizes that he’s intruded, and I feel so good! I am in a way proud that he’s addressed me for help, that he’s chosen me. I take my wallet out. He gives me his business card, he will pay me the money back and we’ll drink wine in Rome, whenever I come there! And he takes out a huge, plastic bag. This is a present for you. Inside: a few leather jackets, these are his designs, whatever is left from the show. I don’t want the jackets, I don’t look at them, but he definitely has to give me a present. If I don’t take [it], he will be offended and he already wants to give me the money back. This is worth a lot more, more than a thousand dollars, he says; it’s only a present for you being so good! I feel even better. He pushes the bag on me, and leaves. For the whole day I don’t have time, but in the evening I open the bag. The jackets are made of hideous, tawdry artificial leather. Still trustingly, I check his business card: the street in which he lives does not even exist in Rome! I hang the jacket up on a hanger, the seam comes apart.

Tuesday: Bad news this morning. A few months ago, my friend’s mother was murdered.1 He found her in [her] apartment tied up with a very crafty knot; she was dead. My friend is a lawyer. He acted in the trial of the priest Popiełuszko’s murderers, milicja officers [trans: “milicja” is the name for the police of the People’s Republic; in post-communist Poland “milicja” became “policja”].2 He was these officers’ private prosecutor. That’s precisely the knot they used to tie the priest before they drowned him. Yesterday, he had his car broken into. A few days ago, his apartment. Dangerous. 

*

Thursday: Morning, 6 am at the airport in America in Los Angeles. A taxi-driver already warns me, seeing numerous people in front of the airport building: a bomb. Indeed, there have been phone calls, they’ve planted a bomb. The police are throwing everyone out: travellers and staff, even chefs from the airport restaurant. Probably two thousand people. Hot. There is nowhere to go, there is only a building surrounded by the police, and the highway on which they’ve stopped traffic. We crowd up in bedlam; it’s getting hotter. Everything that should be happening is: children are crying, somebody is singing, someone is fainting in the squeeze, and so on. But after an hour, I notice that a strange movement persists among people, or more like a displacement, squeezing through with bundles, step by step. At first it’s difficult to understand it, and then it becomes clear. After an hour of that movement the crowd has divided itself: Whites separate, Blacks separate, Chinese, Japanese, and other Asians separate, Mexicans separate. Everyone is standing in harmony, crowded together, but now segregated. Nobody could have planned that, but that’s how it’s happened. I wonder if I have also moved. Yes. I’ve moved two meters, because next to me a Mexican child’s been screaming. I have moved towards people speaking French; they are probably from Europe.

*

Thursday: Really, why did I think about censorship yesterday? It’s the two conversations I’ve had in the last few days with the most prominent Polish directors, those who also work domestically. Wajda heavily involved himself in politics for at least two years; he’s been a Senator for a year. I’ve never hidden that I consider it absurd wasting such talent as Wajda’s on politics. He says that he wants to do something for Poland, for the new Poland. I’ve told him that the only truly good thing that he can do is a good film, because he knows how. Recently, he’s announced that he won’t be running in the next election. I met him, he was sad. What will I be doing? he asked. Films, I answered. What about? He looked at me in such a way that I understood he really didn’t know. Two days ago, I met Zanussi. He’d finished shooting. When asked how it went, he shook his head in displeasure. I’ve shot something similar to what Wajda did a few days ago. Do you know what they want? Who? I asked. He pointed with his head there, outside. They, people.

Thursday: It has occurred to me that since I’ve mentioned censorship, it would be good to say how it used to work. I’ve had, just like my colleagues, a heap of adventures with censorship. Some of my films were not screened for years, others never. Frequently, I cut something out thinking that the change was not destroying the film; frequently, I refused. In 1976 I made the feature film The Calm for television. I liked that film, it had a few good scenes, and a thought—that a man couldn’t achieve peace even if it meant only home, wife, television—was near to me. The protagonist is a guy who comes out of prison. Once free, he works at a small building site. They bring prisoners there to help. Television objected to that scene. The [television] vice-president was a very intelligent and cunning man. He called me into his office. I knew why. When I approached the building, I noticed that prisoners were working on the railway tracks. They were dressed normally, in prison clothes, around them guards with rifles. I entered the vice-president’s office. He said he liked The Calm a lot and voiced a truly astute review of that film. Really, he understood everything. He truly liked the film. I was nicely tickled and waited for what was to follow; I knew I hadn’t been called in to listen to compliments. Of course. The vice-president with regret informed me that he had to demand the deletion of a few scenes from the film. He believed it would not hurt. On the contrary, the film would be more nimble. Among the scenes for deletion he included also the one with the building site with prisoners. I asked why there could be no scene in which prisoners work on a building site. Because in Poland, said the vice-president, prisoners don’t work outside prison. The convention forbids it.… He mentioned the name of an international convention. I asked him to come to the window. He did. I asked him what he saw. He said, tramway tracks. And on the tracks? Who is working there? He looked more closely. Prisoners, he said calmly, they’re here every day. So, prisoners in Poland work outside prison, I noted. Of course, he said, that’s why you have to delete that scene.

That’s more or less what those conversations looked like. That one was quite pleasant. I deleted the scene with prisoners and a few more, and the film still would not be shown for four years. When it was shown, it had already become a historical film. In Poland a lot changes fast.

Tuesday: Fourteen years have passed since the conversation with the vice-president. Yesterday I passed through a small town. I slowed down, because the road was being repaved. Like in a bad script, those who were repaving were dressed in prison clothes. Guards with rifles stood next to them. Today I can make a film about it. That’s it on censorship, which doesn’t exist anymore. And also on how much and how fast things change.

*

Krzysztof Kieślowski: Interviews

Friday, September 20, 2024

The greatest geographical secret after the discovery of America

 Prologue

No unexplored region in our times, neither the heights of the Himalayas, the Antarctic wastes, nor even the hidden side of the moon, has excited quite the same fascination as the mystery of the sources of the Nile. For 2,000 years at least the problem was debated and remained unsolved; every expedition that was sent up the river from Egypt returned defeated. By the middle of the nineteenth century — barely a hundred years ago — this matter had become, in Harry Johnston’s phrase, ‘the greatest geographical secret after the discovery of America’.

The scope of this book is limited to the years between 1856 and 1900, and so we need do no more here than mention very briefly the early history of the river. Almost certainly the ancient Egyptians knew the Nile valley from the Mediterranean as far as the present city of Khartoum, where the Blue Nile comes in from the Ethiopian mountains. Probably they knew something of the Blue Nile as well. But the further course of the parent stream, the White Nile, south of Khartoum, remained a matter of endless speculation, and it interested every distinguished geographer of his age.

This was something more than an ordinary field of exploration. In these deserts the river was life itself. Had it failed to flow, even for one season, then all Egypt perished. Not to know where the stream came from, not to have any sort of guarantee that it would continue — this was to live in a state of insecurity where only fatalism of superstition could reassure the mind.

But there is no record of the river’s ever having failed. The great brown flood came pouring out of the desert for ever, and no one could explain why it was that it should rise and flow over its banks in the Nile Delta in September, the driest and hottest time of the year on the Mediterranean littoral; nor how it was possible for the river to continue in its lower reaches for well over 1,000 miles through one of the most frightful of all deserts without receiving a single tributary and hardly a drop of rain.

About 460 B.C. Herodotus ascended the Nile as far as the first cataract at Assuan before turning back, having found it quite impossible to obtain definite information about the source of the river. There existed merely a vague notion that it arose from ‘fountains’ somewhere in the interior of Africa. The Emperor Nero sent two centurions with an expedition into the wastes of Nubia, as the Sudan was then called, but they returned unsuccessful, saying that they had been blocked in the far interior by an unpenetrable swamp. Through the centuries that followed China became known to Europe, America and Australia were discovered, and the land masses and the oceans of the world were mapped and charted very much as they are today. But still, in 1856, the centre of Africa and its inner mystery, the source of the White Nile, remained almost as much an enigma as it was in the time of Herodotus.

James Bruce traced the course of the shorter Blue Nile from its source to Khartoum in the 1770s, but by 1856 even the most determined of explorers on the White Nile had not been able to get beyond the neighbourhood of the present township of Juba, on latitude 5 degrees north. At that point they were still nowhere near the source of the river. Cataracts, vast forests of papyrus reeds, malarial fever, the fierce tropical heat, the opposition of the pagan tribes — all these combined to prevent any further progress south. By now that impenetrable blank space in the centre of the continent had become filled in imagination with a thousand monstrosities, dwarf men and cannibals with tails, animals as strange as the fabulous griffin and the salamander, huge inland seas, and mountains so high they defied all nature by bearing on their crests, in this equatorial heat, a mantle of perpetual snow.

There was at least a little tenuous evidence to support some of these speculations. One of the most persistent legends about the source of the Nile concerned itself with a journey that had not been made upon the river at all, but overland, from the east coast of Africa a little to the north of Zanzibar. According to this legend a man named Diogenes, a Greek merchant, claimed that in the middle of the first century A.D. he was returning home from a visit to India and had landed on the African mainland at a place called Rhapta (which might have been the site of the present settlement of Pangani in Tanganyika). From Rhapta, Diogenes said, he had ‘travelled inland for a 25-days’ journey and arrived in the vicinity of two great lakes, and the snowy range of mountains whence the Nile draws its twin sources’.

This, at all events, is the story as it was recorded at the time by the Syrian geographer Marinus of Tyre, and it was from the records of Marinus that Ptolemy, the greatest of geographers and astronomers of his time, produced in the middle of the second century A.D. his celebrated map. It shows the course of the Nile reaching directly southward from the Mediterranean to the Equator, and the river is made to arise from two round lakes. The lakes in turn are watered from a high range of mountains, the Lunae Montes, the Mountains of the Moon.

For 1,700 years Ptolemy’s map remained a geographical curiosity, endlessly disputed yet seldom absolutely discredited. But then in 1848 Johann Rebmann, one of the earliest missionaries in East Africa, came forward with a sensational report that he himself, like the ancient Diogenes, had journeyed inland from the East African coast and had seen a vast mountain called Kilimanjaro with snow on its summit. This story was immediately ridiculed in London by a certain Desborough Cooley, a member of the Royal Geographical Society, who protested that it was impossible for snow to remain unmelted on the Equator; what Rebmann had seen was the sun shining on white rock. In the following year, however, another missionary, Johann Ludwig Krapf, claimed that he had seen from a distance a second snow-capped peak, Mount Kenya, somewhat to the north of Kilimanjaro. Still another missionary, J. J. Erhardt, produced a map which showed a large inland lake which he called the ‘Sea of Uniamesi’. By the early 1850s there was other evidence as well that led to a renewal of interest in Ptolemy’s map: the Arab slave and ivory traders, returning to Zanzibar from the far interior, spoke of two great lakes there, one the Ujiji and the other the Nyanza. In addition there were reports of a third lake, the Nyasa, farther to the south.

All this was extremely vague and confusing. Were all these lakes in reality one lake? Were Kilimanjaro and Kenya the legendary Mountains of the Moon, or was there another range farther inland? And how did both lakes and mountains fit into the supposed pattern of the Nile?

It was in order to find the answer to these questions that two explorers, Richard Francis Burton and John Hanning Speke, set off for Africa in 1856. They rejected the route that followed the Nile upstream from Egypt, and decided instead to strike westward from Zanzibar into the dark interior where no white men had ever been before.

With this new expedition the great age of Central African exploration began.

***

The Vales of Paradise

THERE ARE no written records of Uganda — the territory that Speke now proposed to enter — before the middle of the nineteenth century. Sir John Gray describes its history as being like ‘a crime to which there have been no eye-witnesses’. It seems certain, however, that at some point in the unrecorded past a superior race of cattle-owning men came south from the Ethiopian highlands, and these people set themselves up as a ruling aristocracy among the Negroes on the northern and western borders of Lake Victoria. By 1860 three separate kingdoms were established, Bunyoro in the north, Buganda in the centre, and Karagwe to the south, on the western shore of the lake. Many other tribal formations existed as well, but these three little states had a certain coherency in the midst of a wilderness of utter barbarity; they formed, as it were, a tiny capsule of semi-civilization in the centre of the continent, and the outside world knew hardly anything at all about them.

A single Arab trader named Ahmed bin Ibrahim had penetrated into Buganda in the 1840s, and a few others had reached Karagwe, but that was all: no white man had ever been there, no notion of other worlds and other ways of life disturbed the inhabitants. They could scarcely have been more isolated had they been living on the surface of the moon.

Normally in Central Africa it was the fate of such people to remain in a state of arrested development. In a mysterious way the light of human ambition was extinguished, the villages stayed chained to the Stone Age, and from century to century life revolved in an endless ant-like cycle of crude customs and traditions. There was no curiosity to explore, no desire for change or improvement. Every new generation gave way to the same passive fatalistic acceptance of things as they were, and reason was suffocated by habit and superstition.

But with these three puppet kingdoms it was not like this at all; they advanced marvellously. Without any precedent to guide them or any outside help they had achieved by the middle of the nineteenth century a native culture which was well in advance of any other south of the Sahara. And yet the extraordinary thing about these people is not that they should have got so far but that their progress should have been so irregular. They did well in one direction only to fail completely in another, they left enormous gaps behind them, and the most barbarous customs survived in the midst of an exceptional sophistication.

Their houses, for example, had nothing in common with the dull coffin-shaped contraptions of Tanganyika; they were large, beautifully made conical structures of tightly woven canes and reeds that often soared fifty feet into the air. These dwellings were dry and comfortable in the rain and cool in the hot seasons, and they were infinitely more attractive than any building that has been erected in Uganda in the twentieth century. The musical instruments of the tribesmen — their drums, harps, and trumpets — were equally remarkable, and they travelled on the lake in immense canoes, some of them seventy feet in length.

Their basketware was so finely woven it would hold water, and they had discovered the art of making a soft and durable cloth from the bark of trees. No man attended the court of his king unclothed: in fact, in Buganda it was a criminal offence to do so; he wore sandals on his feet, his body was completely covered by a long and graceful toga, and sometimes this was surmounted by a cape of antelope skins which had been pieced together with the skill of a Parisian seamstress.

Neither men nor women disfigured their bodies with scars or tattoos like the other Central African tribes, and when they sat down to eat they washed their hands, either by squeezing a wet napkin or by pouring water over them from a jug. Domestic slaves, who were treated as part of the household like Russian serfs, served the meal, and the food was distinctly civilized: a kind of gruel made from coarse bananas, fish and meat stews, chickens, sweet potatoes, maize, and wild sugarcane. Coffee beans were chewed as a digestive and they brewed their beer from bananas. Both men and women smoked.

In Buganda especially, the richest and most progressive of the three states, the power of the king was absolute, but he was advised by a group of counsellors who formed a kind of cabinet in which each man had some special duty. Thus there was the vizier or prime minister, the treasurer, the commander-in-chief of the army and the admiral of the fleet of war-canoes on the lake, the chief executioner, and others with more picturesque titles such as the chief brewer and the keeper of the drums. These men, together with the provincial chiefs, formed a hierarchy of nobles, and they were obliged to be in constant attendance on the king in his court. Here the etiquette was elaborate. No man could sit down in the king’s presence, be incorrectly dressed, or speak without permission. Whenever the king appeared it was customary for the courtiers to abase themselves on the ground before him, since he was considered to be almost divine, or at all events the personification of the spirit of the race.

And yet, with all this sophistication and refinement, these people had no method of writing or counting, no means of measuring the passage of time by weeks or months or years, no mechanical contrivances even as simple as the plough or the wheel, no religion that amounted to more than the most primitive kind of superstition and witchcraft. They gave way to their passions and their appetites like spoiled and delinquent children and they were unbelievably cruel. From time to time they seem to have been seized with a wild and frantic hysteria, and it was common practice for both men and women to drink themselves into a drunken stupor.

There were strong differences between the three kingdoms, and perhaps these differences were conditioned by the geographical nature of the country. Bunyoro, to the north, is drier and harsher than the land around the shores of Lake Victoria. For months at a time no rain falls and one travels for miles through a dry hard scrub which is not unlike Central Tanganyika. The people here have a reputation for toughness and resilience; they are less sophisticated than the lakeside inhabitants, but more warlike and aggressive. These qualities were certainly reflected in their King, Kamrasi. He was a man who was both harsh and suspicious, a chieftain with the instincts of a pirate, and the absorbing hatred of his life was directed partly against Buganda in the south, and partly against a rebellious brother called Rionga, who lived on an island in the Nile.

Karagwe, on the western side of the lake, is more open country, much of it 5,000 feet above sea-level, and there is a remarkable freshness and clarity in the landscape. A century ago large herds of cattle grazed across the sweeping grassy plains, and along the shores of the lake itself there are scenes that remind one of the downs in southern England: high, sharp cliffs fall sheer into the water, and except for the heat, the emptiness of land, and the tropical islands off-shore this might be Folkestone or Dover. At one time this was fine country for wild animals: thousands of elephants, giraffes, buffaloes, antelopes, and rhinoceroses roamed about, and even now, by night, one can watch the hippopotamuses come ashore from the lake to browse like dark lumbering ghosts on the water’s edge.

Here, at a place called Bweranyange, Rumanika, the King of Karagwe, kept his little provincial court. He was a large and friendly man who had the reputation of being hospitable to strangers. Being by some way the weakest of the three kings, Rumanika took care to remain on good terms with the rulers of Bunyoro and Buganda. He sent them gifts from time to time and even acknowledged himself to be a vassal or at any rate a dependant of Buganda. Yet Rumanika had his eccentricities. He kept an extraordinary harem of wives who were so fat they could not stand upright, and instead grovelled like seals about the floors of their huts. Their diet was an uninterrupted flow of milk that was sucked from a gourd through a straw, and if the young girls resisted this treatment they were force-fed like the pâté de foie gras ducks of Strasbourg: a man stood over them with a whip.

Buganda, on the northern shore of the lake, has neither the dryness of Bunyoro nor the horizons of Karagwe; it is a region of jungles and broken hills and it is as lush and exuberant as Zanzibar. The climate is hot, changeable, and damp, and all things spring from the earth in a blaze of exotic colour. The earth itself is red, the plantations of bananas make avenues that are filled with a warm greenish-yellowish light, and the surrounding jungle is a vast aviary filled with tropical birds and flowering shrubs. These conditions create an impression of intimacy, of quickness and liveliness, and of a kind of luxurious excitement, and that is the nature of the Baganda.

In 1860 Mutesa, the young king of Buganda, had only recently got his grip upon the throne and had established his capital a few miles inland from the lake on a hilltop which is not far from the modern city of Kampala. The traveller came into the town on a broad earthen road cut through the jungle and saw, scattered about the hillsides, a settlement of gracefully proportioned round huts with crowds of people moving about between them. The women for the most part went naked or wore a short cloth around their waists, but the men in their togas reminded one, Harry Johnston1 says, of saints — they ‘recalled irresistibly the conventional pictures of evangelical piety which represented the Blessed walking in the vales of Paradise’.Mutesa’s court was a compound of especially spacious huts in the centre of the town, and here he held his daily levées, sitting upon a platform of grass covered with a red blanket, and surrounded by his nobles, his pages, and his wives, who numbered a couple of hundred or so. At this time he was a slim, well-built young man in his early twenties with beautiful teeth and liquid, but rather striking eyes. His tonsured hair was built up like a cockscomb on his head, his toga was neatly knotted over one shoulder, and on his arms and legs he wore broad bands of coloured beads. At his feet were his symbols of royalty, a spear, a shield, and a white dog. When he went walking the whole court followed, and he affected an extraordinary stiff-legged strut which was meant to imitate the gait of a lion. In the manner of Queen Victoria he did not look round when he chose to sit down; a chair was automatically placed in readiness for him, except that in his case it was a page crouching on his hands and knees. When he chose to speak the courtiers listened in a strained and respectful silence and then, in a body, threw themselves on to the ground, uttering over and over again a curious cry that sounded like ‘n’yanzig’, and was meant to indicate both gratitude and the deepest humility. Mutesa, in short, was a very impressive figure, even at this early stage of his long career, and there might even have been a certain dignity about him had it not been for the fact that he was very far from being a saint in the vales of Paradise; he was a savage and bloodthirsty monster.

Hardly a day went by without some victim being executed at his command, and this was done wilfully, casually, almost as a kind of game. A girl would commit some breach of etiquette by talking too loudly, a page would neglect to close or open a door, and at once, at a sign from Mutesa, they would be taken away, screaming, to have their heads lopped off. A roll of drums obliterated the cries of the death-throes. Nothing that W. S. Gilbert was about to invent with his Lord High Executioner in The Mikado, nothing in the behaviour of the raving Red Queen in Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, was more fantastic than the scenes that occurred whenever Mutesa held a court, the only difference being that here these scenes were hideously and monstrously real. Torture by burning alive, the mutilation of victims by cutting off their hands, ears, and feet, the burial of living wives with their dead husbands — all these things were taken as a matter of course. This was more than a simple blood-lust: Mutesa crushed out life in the same way as a child will step on an insect, never for an instant thinking of the consequences, or experiencing a moment’s pity for the pain he was inflicting. He felt no pain, except his own. He, and all the people about him at his court, give the impression of playing at life, of living with an air of mad make-believe.

To be fair, it has to be recorded that it was not Mutesa himself who had invented these practices; all his ancestors (and there is known to have been a line of at least a score of kings behind him) behaved in exactly the same way, and a similar law of the jungle prevailed in all the minor tribal groups. Unless the ruler surrounded himself with an atmosphere of dread and superstitious awe he did not stay very long on his throne. Mutesa, on becoming king, had instantly put to death some sixty of his brothers by burning them alive, and this was apparently regarded as a perfectly normal precaution against rebellion.

Then too, he had other attributes besides this inherited bloodthirstiness. He was very far from being stupid: once he had seized power he had very quickly learned the arts of playing one man off against another by the careful bestowal of gifts. He knew all about the value of keeping his petitioners waiting, and he seems to have had some skill in making political appointments. One can easily see him as a sort of pantomime figure — the tribal king surrounded by his drums, his naked wives, and his black warriors — but in fact, as events were shortly to show, he was a great deal more than this. In this savage world he had the appearance and the manner of royalty, and an instinctive knowledge of politics. His foreign policy, for example, was handled with a certain crude dexterity: he left Rumanika alone in Karagwe and made war on Kamrasi in Bunyoro. It was of course not very serious war — this was still a world in which there were no firearms and still no Arab slavers to set one tribe against another — but it was a useful means of obtaining cattle and women, and Kamrasi, at least, was kept at bay.

This, then, was the strange little island of native civilization that had been left undisturbed to work out its own destiny in the heart of Central Africa a hundred years ago. It would naturally be absurd to suggest that there was any real enlightenment here; the three puppet kingdoms were still bound to a primeval way of life, and fear was the dominant factor in every man’s mind. On the other hand, these people were still insulated from the abuses of civilization: there was no syphilis or small-pox, no rinderpest to kill their cattle. Mutesa’s cruelties did not touch the general run of the people; they had plenty to eat and drink, and it seems not impossible that they believed themselves to be happy, or at any rate involved in an existence which was inevitable and eternal, and which they did not want to change. Only the barest echoes of other things reached them from the outside world — of the slavers coming up the Nile from Egypt and the Arab caravans from Zanzibar. Perhaps it really was a Garden of Eden of a kind, savage but fatalistic; at all events, it was still intact when Speke and his new companion, Grant, marched into Karagwe at the end of 1861, and with this the capsule was destined to burst at last.

The two explorers had taken over a year to get inland from Zanzibar, and most of the experiences of the previous expedition had been faithfully repeated; all their men save a few like Bombay and Mabruki had deserted, the local chieftains on the way had ferociously demanded their hongo, their goats and cattle had been stolen, and Grant had gone down with malaria. They had even failed as yet to catch a glimpse of Lake Victoria. Burton, who was now leading a separate expedition in the Cameroons on the other side of Africa, must have smiled had he heard the news. But now at last in November 1861 Speke and Grant extracted themselves from the local tribal wars to the north of Tabora and marched on into the terra incognita of Karagwe.

In Grant Speke had found an ideal companion. The two men were of the same age and had been friends in India, where they had often gone on shooting excursions together. But Grant had another quality: he was the perfect lieutenant. He must surely be rated as the most modest and self-effacing man who ever entered the turmoil of African exploration; he never puts himself forward, he never complains, never questions any order of his leader. Burton would have found him a paragon. Grant’s devotion, however, was entirely fixed upon Speke, and it was almost doglike in its completeness. ‘Not a shade of jealousy or distrust or even ill-temper,’ he says, ‘ever came between us.’ Speke he describes as ‘above every littleness’. General Gordon, whose judgements about people were often rash, thought that Grant himself was something of a bore,2 and just possibly he was a little dull as a conversationalist. Dullness seems to be the last thing we ever hear about well-known people in the past. Yet it would be foolish to regard Grant as a colourless nonentity. He was a cool and very steady man, a soldier and a sportsman well out of the ordinary, and in his own private and modest way he was a competent artist and a genuine amateur of botany. He had fought in a number of engagements that led up to the Mutiny in India, and had taken part in the relief of Lucknow where he had been awarded a medal and a clasp for gallantry.Rumanika was delighted to meet the two white men, the first he had ever seen. He shook hands warmly, addressed them in good Swahili, and established them in his best huts with an abundant supply of provisions. Speke had a pleasant month at Bweranyange. He exchanged presents with Rumanika, drank his pombe, and with a tape measure ascertained the dimensions of his fat wives. He did great execution among the rhinoceroses with his gun, and made notes about even more formidable animals which, he was told, inhabited the jungles farther to the west: ‘monsters who could not converse with men and never showed themselves unless they saw women pass by; then, in voluptuous excitement, they squeezed them to death’. If this was meant to be a description of a gorilla, one of the most timid and gentle of animals, it is not accurate. But then hardly any of the things they were seeing and hearing in this new land were very credible. Rumanika, for example, warned Speke that he must not proceed into Buganda until Mutesa sent for him, and that it would be impossible for him to appear at Mutesa’s court wearing his unmentionables (Speke in his account uses this Victorian word for trousers); he would have to obtain a gown. And so messengers were sent off to warn Mutesa of the expedition’s approach and while they waited the month of December slipped by.

Grant meanwhile was having a very bad time. He was assailed by a dreadful sore in his leg, and presently the infection became so agonizingly painful he was unable to stir from his hut. Certainly he was in no condition to walk or even to be carried when, on 8 January 1862, a troop of messengers arrived from Mutesa bearing with them an invitation for the expedition to proceed. It was therefore decided that he should remain behind in Rumanika’s care while Speke went forward alone. For the next three months Grant remained a prisoner in his hut, unable to go out, often in agony and without news of any kind.

It took Speke six weeks to walk to Mutesa’s court, and in the course of the journey he at last came within sight of Lake Victoria opposite the Sesse Islands. More than ever now he felt that his original conjecture had been correct: the lake was a vast inland sea and somewhere on its northern shore he would find its outlet to the north — the fountains of the Nile. For the moment, however, he was forced to put his geographical work aside and prepare himself for his reception by Mutesa.

He tells us that on his arrival he unpacked his best suit, dressed his men in red blankets, and with a handsome collection of gifts got ready to present himself at the palace. But rain fell and in the best manner of royal garden parties the reception was put off until the following day. On 20 February 1862 he set forth again flanked by his red-blanketed bodyguard, with the Union Jack leading the way, only to find himself out-faced by a rival delegation which was given precedence; Speke was told to wait in the hot sun outside the palace. He stood it for five minutes and then in a fury turned round and walked back to his own hut a mile away. The courtiers who were conducting him to the King watched his retirement with consternation — evidently such a thing had never happened before — and presently they came running to say that it was all a mistake; the King would see him at once and he would be allowed to bring his own chair to sit on, an unheard-of privilege.

When Speke got back to the palace all was ready for his reception. A band playing five-stringed harps and trumpets ushered him through the outer courts where small pages were rushing around gathering their cloaks about them so as not to show their legs; and finally he came into the presence of the monarch himself. Speke set up his chair in front of the throne, erected his umbrella and waited events. Nothing happened. For an hour the two men sat gazing at one another, Mutesa occasionally turning to his courtiers to pass a remark on the umbrella, on the bodyguard, or on Speke himself. From time to time a draught of beer was handed to him. Speke simply sat and waited.

At length a man approached with a message: had he seen the King?

‘Yes,’ Speke answered, ‘for full one hour.’

When this was translated to Mutesa he rose and walked away into the interior of his palace on the tips of his toes in his imitation of a lion. There now ensued a long wait while the King ate his dinner: as an act of courtesy, it was explained to Speke, Mutesa had refrained from eating until the meeting had taken place. Finally, at the end of the day, when they met again by the light of torches, Speke offered his presents; several rifles and guns together with ammunition, a gold watch, a telescope, an iron chair, beads, silk cloths and knives, spoons and forks. Mutesa in return sent him a gift of cattle, goats, fish, fowls, porcupines, and rats, all of which apparently were regarded as suitable items of diet.

It was at a further interview that the notorious shooting incident took place. Speke was invited to display the magic of his pistols by taking a pot-shot at four cows, a feat he accomplished a little awkwardly: one of the cows, charging upon him, required a second bullet before it was dispatched.

The king [Speke says] now loaded one of the carbines I had given him with his own hands, and giving it full-cock to a page told him to go out and shoot a man in the outer court: which was no sooner accomplished than the little urchin returned to announce his success, with a look of glee such as one would see in the face of a boy who had robbed a bird’s nest, caught a trout, or done any other boyish trick. The king said to him, ‘And did you do it well?’ ‘Oh yes, capitally.’ He spoke the truth, no doubt, for he dared not have trifled with the king: but the affair created hardly any interest. I never heard, and there appeared no curiosity to know, what individual human being the urchin had deprived of life.

Nothing would keep Mutesa away from his new toys after this. On fine days he would march round his capital, gun in hand, his wives, pages, and courtiers following behind and the band playing; and if by luck he managed to hit a vulture on a tree he would be thunderstruck by his own magical powers, and would run forward to the fallen victim crying out ‘woh, woh, woh’ in infantile excitement. The court, grovelling and ‘n’yanizgging’, would fall upon the ground around him.

The women who followed Mutesa about in hordes wherever he went appeared to occupy a privileged position, but it was slavery none the less. ‘Young virgins . . .’ Speke wrote, ‘stark naked, and smeared with grease, but holding for decency’s sake a small square of mbugu (bark cloth) at the upper comers in both hands before them, are presented by their fathers in propitiation for some offence and to fill the harem.’ From time to time one of these girls would be sent to Speke as a gift, and he parcelled them out as wives among his followers.

The Queen-Mother, however, whom Speke describes as ‘fair, fat and forty-five’, was a figure of some power in the state and kept her separate court at a little distance from Mutesa’s palace. She was not often sober. Drinking, smoking, and dancing to the music of her personal band were the usual occupations of the Queen-Mother’s hut, and it was not surprising that she complained to Speke that she was suffering from bad dreams and illness of the stomach. He dosed her from his medicine chest and advised her to give up drinking. But she was not a good patient. Returning to her hut one day Speke found himself involved in an orgy which ended in the Queen-Mother and her attendants drinking like swine on all fours from a trough of beer.

After Speke had been for three months in the bizarre surroundings Grant finally arrived. He was still limping from the effects of the sore in his leg but otherwise restored to health, and now both men were eager to push on towards their goal. On their separate journeys from Karagwe they had crossed a considerable river, the Kagera, but since it flowed into Lake Victoria and not out of it they dismissed it as a possible source of the Nile. At Mutesa’s court, however, they heard very definite reports of another stream that emerged from the lake only a short distance to the east. The lake was said to pour itself out in a wide fall of water towards the north. Speke, who had never been permitted to leave Mutesa’s capital in all his three months’ stay, was now determined to make his way to this spot and then follow the river downstream wherever it might lead.

Mutesa was much opposed to their going. It amused him to have the two white men at his court and he was not altogether sure that he had extracted every possible gift from them. Then, too, they were bound to enter the territory of Kamrasi, the King of Bunyoro, when they went away, and with Kamrasi he was at war. For another six weeks he prevaricated and delayed, and then at last on 7 July 1862 he let them go. The two explorers with Bombay and their caravan and a Buganda bodyguard marched out to the east. They were on the eve of the climax of their tremendous journey.

And now occurred one of the strangest incidents of the whole adventure. Their guide had led them somewhat north of the lake, and in order to reach the Nile and trace it to its source it was necessary for the caravan to turn sharply south. A conference was held, and as a result it was decided that the expedition should split once more: Speke alone was to go to the source while Grant turned north and opened up the way to Kamrasi’s court in Bunyoro. One can only take the two men’s word for it that they were entirely agreed upon this arrangement. From Grant we have no hint of reproach or disappointment. He had staked his life on getting to this goal, and now at the last minute, when it was within his reach, he quietly turned away from it in order to please his companion. Grant merely says that he was invited by Speke to make a flying march to the source and was forced to decline since his bad leg made it quite impossible to manage twenty miles a day. In any case, he goes on, this was not a great issue; they had seen the lake and they knew that the Nile issued from it. Just why it was necessary for Speke to dash off at the rate of twenty miles a day is not explained; but then there is so much between these two that cannot be understood unless one constantly remembers Grant’s utter devotion to his leader. As with a marriage, a veil falls down between this partnership and the outside world, and no one can presume to know the intricacies of their relationship. Behaviour that might seem to us to be unfair and heartless is to them, apparently, perfectly natural. Speke, of course, was a man with an idée fixe; his whole being was centred upon proving that his theory of the Nile was the right one, and no doubt he was now in a state of intense impatience to get to his objective. To have hung about waiting for Grant to keep up with him — and this at a time when some accident or mischance could still wreck the expedition — was intolerable. Grant presumably felt this strongly, and with an almost feminine resignation gave way; better to stand in the reflection of Speke’s glory than to strain their friendship too much.

At all events, Speke went off with his flying column and reached the Nile on 21 July 1862 at a place called Urondogani about forty miles downstream from the lake: ‘Here at last I stood on the brink of the Nile; most beautiful was the scene, nothing could surpass it! It was the very perfection of the kind of effect aimed at in a highly developed park: with a magnificent stream, 600 to 700 yards wide, dotted with islets and rocks. . . .’ The crocodiles, the high grassy banks, the hippopotamuses, the herds of hartebeest — it was everything they had imagined, and Speke in his exaltation told his men that ‘they ought to shave their heads and bathe in the holy river, the cradle of Moses. . . .’ Bombay soberly replied that, being Mohammedans, ‘we don’t look on these things in the same fanciful manner as you do: we are contented with the commonplaces of life. . . .’

They were keen enough, however, when they marched upstream and came within sight of their goal at last on 28 July; all forgot their fatigue and rushed forward along the river bank. A hill blocked their view of the lake but there, at their feet, the great stream poured itself like a breaking tidal wave over a waterfall. ‘It was a sight that attracted one for hours,’ Speke says, ‘ — the roar of the waters, the thousands of passenger-fish leaping at the falls with all their might; the Wasoga and Waganda fishermen coming out in boats and taking post on all the rocks with rod and hook, hippopotami and crocodiles lying sleepily on the water. . . .’

He named the place the Ripon Falls ‘after the nobleman who presided over the Royal Geographical Society when my expedition was got up’.

It now remained for the explorers to keep themselves alive until they could get back to civilization to tell the story, and there was still no guarantee whatever that they would succeed. (...)

THE WHITE NILE

Alan Moorehead