To be is to be contingent: nothing of which it can be said that "it is" can be alone and independent. But being is a member of paticca-samuppada as arising which contains ignorance. Being is only invertible by ignorance.

Destruction of ignorance destroys the illusion of being. When ignorance is no more, than consciousness no longer can attribute being (pahoti) at all. But that is not all for when consciousness is predicated of one who has no ignorance than it is no more indicatable (as it was indicated in M Sutta 22)

Nanamoli Thera

Sunday, March 22, 2026

Bioleninism


Bioleninism (“Biological Leninism”) is a useful shorthand formulation for the Dissident Right’s view on how society operates.[7] It provides an encapsulating framework that centers upon, and synthesizes, various core perspectives within the Dissident Right: HBD (human bio-diversity) realism; Steve Sailer’s “Coalition of the Fringes” notion; Moldbug/Yarvin-style historical revisionism (rejection of the progressive account of history) and accounts of hierarchy; memetics; and the critical role that status anxiety plays in radically remaking the centers of power in Western society. Because post-industrial affluence in the West has met the material needs of even the poorest and most low-status groups, class consciousness has failed to materialize as a Leftist rallying point. In its place is status, a prime motivator of human activity.[8] In brief, Bioleninism is the ideologically driven elevation of low-status groups into positions of power in the ruling class. However, unlike Lenin’s unified and formal Communist party of the Soviet Union, today’s Bioleninism is distributed and informal. There is no single unifying political party, but rather Gramsci’s “Long March through the Institutions” in the form of HR departments, NGOs, media, academia, corporate DEI. . . and public schools. Each acts as a conduit of propaganda and activism.

The progressive regime today is largely comprised of an identity-based coalition of groups, and this has become the central organizing principle for its nexus of power. As such, this regime elevates people who would be low-status in a purely meritocratic, traditional, or naturally ordered (biologically determined) society—basically anyone who would rank low on natural hierarchies of competence, attractiveness, health, and traditional family formation. Groups that are uplifted and granted institutional power include non-White ethnic groups; LGBTs and people with other deviant sexualities; those with various other psychological disorders (“neurodivergence”); etc.

Along the way, the gender dysphoria underlying transgenderism goes from being a mental disorder to being normalized, a point of pride, even something to aspire to. This leads to an elevated moral status, a heightened sense of moral self-righteousness. The progressive coalition members become fanatically loyal enforcers (“political commissars”) precisely because their elevated position depends entirely on the continuation of the progressive regime model itself. If merit, tradition, or natural status hierarchies were to return—if the progressive regime lost its ruling class status—these groups would lose their position and prestige.
The mania surrounding gender dysphoria in youth is very much a social contagion phenomenon, where misfit kids seek to reinvent themselves into something new and fashionable, to immediately gain a boost in social status, and to suddenly possess a strange level of social power over adults. In those instances where outright social contagion is not in play, there is still a high likelihood that even these gender-dysphoric children are simply gay or lesbian.
In his famous 1917 lecture “Science as a Vocation,” Max Weber argued that the spread of rationalization, bureaucratization, and scientific thinking had systematically drained the world of its sense of mystery, magic, and transcendent meaning. Secularization had made our world disenchanted. A parallel track to this has been the idea of social fragmentation, something that has long been on conservatism’s radar screen. The inertia of the free-market ethos leans toward dissolving traditional norms and institutions, and toward the ever-novel commodification of all things, actions, and relationships. When concatenated across society, an emergent value system of consumer capitalism takes shape and coalesces. The cultural contradictions of capitalism are such that a vast array of choices and options (oriented around increasingly unbounded and free-floating values of self-actualization) leads to a hyper-individualism devoid of familial and communal ties, to an atomized society, to a culture of narcissism (to quote Lasch). From every conceivable angle, one is told that one ought to have the choice to do this or that, to become this or that.

In many ways, Trans-mania is a logical consequence of this societal inertia. Why should the biological reality of your gender prevent you from being your “true self”? From this vantage point, gender dysphoria acts as a re-enchantment of one’s being in the world. The contradiction, however, is that when people are “liberated” from unchosen obligations, they are not necessarily happier individuals with healthy, integrated psyches, but are all too often weighed down with anxiety, depression, uncertainty, and anomie.

From:

Weapons (2025) as Critique of Transgender Ideology
Max West
https://counter-currents.com/

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